1950 Erik Erikson.Eight Ages of Man

1950 Erik Erikson.Eight Ages of Man

Childhood AND Society
童年与社会

without a promise of fulfillment which from the dominant image of adulthood reaches down into the baby’s beginnings and which, by the tangible evidence of social health, creates at every step of childhood and adolescence an accruing sense of ego strength. Thus, before entering further into identity problems of our time we must now recognize the place of identity in the human life cycle. What follows in the next chapter is a list of ego qualities which emerge from critical periods of development—criteria (identity is one) by which the individual demonstrates that his ego, at a given stage, is strong enough to integrate the timetable of the organism with the structure of social institutions.
如果没有一种“将要实现的承诺”,从社会中占主导地位的成人形象一路向下延伸到婴儿期的起点,并且通过社会健康状况的具体证据,在儿童期和青少年期的每一步中,不断累积起自我力量的感觉,那么发展就不可能顺利进行。因此,在进一步讨论当代的身份认同问题之前,我们必须先承认:身份认同在整个人类生命历程中的地位。下一章所列的是一系列在发展关键期中出现的自我品质——这些品质(其中之一就是身份认同)构成了标准,用来判断个体在某一发展阶段,他的自我是否已经强大到足以把有机体自身的发展时间表与社会制度的结构整合在一起。

1. BASIC TRUST VS. BASIC MISTRUST

基本信任 vs. 基本不信任

THE FIRST demonstration of social trust in the baby is the ease of his feeding, the depth of his sleep, the relaxation of his bowels. The experience of a mutual regulation of his increasingly receptive capacities with the maternal techniques of provision gradually helps him to balance the discomfort caused by the immaturity of homeostasis with which he was born. In his gradually increasing waking hours he finds that more and more adventures of the senses arouse a feeling of familiarity, of having coincided with a feeling of inner goodness. Forms of comfort, and people associated with them, become as familiar as the gnawing discomfort of the bowels. The infant’s first social achievement, then, is his willingness to let the mother out of sight without undue anxiety or rage, because she has become an inner certainty as well as an outer predictability. Such consistency, continuity, and sameness of experience provide a rudimentary sense of ego identity which depends, I think, on the recognition that there is an inner population of remembered and anticipated sensations and images which are firmly correlated with the outer population of familiar and predictable things and people.
婴儿最初表现出的社会信任,体现在他进食的顺畅、睡眠的深度以及排便时的放松上。随着他接受外界刺激的能力不断增强,他与母亲供给方式之间形成了一种相互调节的经验,这种经验逐渐帮助他去平衡由先天体内平衡机制尚未成熟所带来的不适。在他逐渐延长的清醒时段里,越来越多的感官“冒险”开始唤起一种熟悉感,一种与内在良好感觉相重合的体验。各种安慰的形式,以及与这些安慰相关的人,变得像肠道啃咬般的不适一样熟悉。于是,婴儿的第一个社会性成就,就是他愿意在母亲不在视线范围内时,仍不至于过度焦虑或愤怒,因为母亲已经不仅是外在可预期的存在,同时也是内在的确定感。这种经验的一致性、连续性和同一性,提供了一种初步的自我同一性感。我认为,这种感觉取决于这样一种认识:在个体的内部,有一个由被记住和被期待的感觉与意象组成的“群体”,并且它与外部那个由熟悉而可预期的人与事物构成的“群体”之间,存在着牢固的对应关系。

What we here call trust coincides with what Therese Benedek has called confidence. If I prefer the word “trust,” it is because there is more naivete and more mutuality in it: an infant can be said to be trusting where it would go too far to say that he has confidence. The general state of trust, furthermore, implies not only that one has learned to rely on the sameness and continuity of the outer providers, but also that one may trust oneself and the capacity of one’s own organs to cope with urges; and that one is able to consider oneself trustworthy enough so that the providers will not need to be on guard lest they be nipped.
我们在这里所说的 trust,与 Therese Benedek 所称的 confidence 是一致的。如果我更偏爱 “trust” 这个词,那是因为其中包含了更多的天真成分和更多的相互性:对于一个婴儿,我们可以说他是 trusting,而若说他 has confidence 就未免过头了。此外,一般性的信任状态不仅意味着一个人已经学会依赖外部供给者的同一性与连续性,也意味着他可以信任自己以及自己器官应对内在冲动的能力;同时,他还能够把自己看作足够值得信赖,以至于那些供给者不必时刻保持戒备,担心会被他“咬上一口”。
Idea
信任是全面的、系统性的感受。
The constant tasting and testing of the relationship between inside and outside meets its crucial test during the rages of the biting stage, when the teeth cause pain from within and when outer friends either prove of no avail or withdraw from the only action which promises relief: biting. Not that teething itself seems to cause all the dire consequences sometimes ascribed to it. As outlined earlier, the infant now is driven to “grasp” more, but he is apt to find desired presences elusive: nipple and breast, and the mother’s focused attention and care. Teething seems to have a prototypical significance and may well be the model for the masochistic tendency to assure cruel comfort by enjoying one’s hurt whenever one is unable to prevent a significant loss.
这种对内在与外在关系的不断“品尝”和“试探”,在咬东西阶段的怒火中迎来了关键性的考验:此时,牙齿从内部带来疼痛,而外在的“朋友”们要么毫无助益,要么从唯一一个看似能带来缓解的行动——咬——中抽身退避。当然,并不是说出牙本身就会导致有时被归因于它的所有可怕后果。正如前文所概述的,此时婴儿被一种更强烈的“抓取”冲动所驱动,但他往往会发现自己渴望的对象难以捉摸:乳头与乳房,以及母亲集中而专注的关注与照料。出牙似乎具有一种原型式的意义,很可能成为后来受虐倾向的模型:当一个人无法阻止重大的损失时,通过“享受”自己的受伤来获得一种残酷的安慰。

In psychopathology the absence of basic trust can best be studied in infantile schizophrenia, while lifelong underlying weakness of such trust is apparent in adult personalities in whom withdrawal into schizoid and depressive states is habitual. The re-establishment of a state of trust has been found to be the basic requirement for therapy in these cases. For no matter what conditions may have caused a psychotic break, the bizarreness and withdrawal in the behavior of many very sick individuals hides an attempt to recover social mutuality by a testing of the borderlines between senses and physical reality, between words and social meanings.
在精神病理学中,基本信任的缺失最容易在 infantile schizophrenia(儿童期精神分裂症)中得到研究;而这种信任的终身潜在薄弱,则在某些成人的人格中表现得很明显:他们习惯性地退回到分裂样和抑郁状态中。对于这些个案,重新建立一种信任状态已被证明是治疗的基本前提。因为无论是哪种情形导致了精神性崩溃,许多重病个体身上所表现出的怪诞行为和退缩,其背后都隐藏着一种企图:通过不断试探感官与物理现实、语言与社会意义之间的边界,来恢复与他人的社会互惠关系。

Psychoanalysis assumes the early process of differentiation between inside and outside to be the origin of projection and introjection which remain some of our deepest and most dangerous defense mechanisms. In introjection we feel and act as if an outer goodness had become an inner certainty. In projection, we experience an inner harm as an outer one: we endow significant people with the evil which actually is in us. These two mechanisms, then, projection and introjection, are assumed to be modeled after whatever goes on in infants when they would like to externalize pain and internalize pleasure, an intent which must yield to the testimony of the maturing senses and ultimately of reason. These mechanisms are, more or less normally, reinstated in acute crises of love, trust, and faith in adulthood and can characterize irrational attitudes toward adversaries and enemies in masses of “mature” individuals.
Psychoanalysis 认为,早期对内在与外在的区分过程,是 projection 和 introjection(投射与内摄)这两种防御机制的起源,而它们一直是我们最深层、也最危险的一部分防御方式。在 introjection 中,我们会像对待一种事实那样去感觉和行动,仿佛外在的善已经变成了内在的确定性;在 projection 中,我们则把内在的伤害体验成外在的伤害:我们把实际上存在于自身之中的“恶”,赋予那些对我们具有重大意义的人。于是,这两种机制——projection 和 introjection——被认为是以婴儿身上的某种过程为原型:婴儿想要把痛苦“外化”,把快乐“内化”;但这种意图最终必须服从于日渐成熟的感官、以及最终的理性所提供的证据。在成年期,当人们在爱、信任和信仰方面遭遇急性危机时,这些机制会在或多或少“正常”的范围内重新被启动,并且能够在大批“成熟”个体对敌手和仇敌所采取的不理性态度中,留下清晰的印记。

The firm establishment of enduring patterns for the solution of the nuclear conflict of basic trust versus basic mistrust in mere existence is the first task of the ego, and thus first of all a task for maternal care. But let it be said here that the amount of trust derived from earliest infantile experience does not seem to depend on absolute quantities of food or demonstrations of love, but rather on the quality of the maternal relationship. Mothers create a sense of trust in their children by that kind of administration which in its quality combines sensitive care of the baby’s individual needs and a firm sense of personal trustworthiness within the trusted framework of their culture’s life style. This forms the basis in the child for a sense of identity which will later combine a sense of being “all right,” of being oneself, and of becoming what other people trust one will become. There are, therefore (within certain limits previously defined as the “musts” of child care), few frustrations in either this or the following stages which the growing child cannot endure if the frustration leads to the ever-renewed experience of greater sameness and stronger continuity of development, toward a final integration of the individual life cycle with some meaningful wider belongingness. Parents must not only have certain ways of guiding by prohibition and permission; they must also be able to represent to the child a deep, an almost somatic conviction that there is a meaning to what they are doing. Ultimately, children become neurotic not from frustrations, but from the lack or loss of societal meaning in these frustrations.
为解决“仅仅作为存在本身”的基本信任与基本不信任这一核心冲突,而建立起持久而稳定的模式,是自我的第一项任务,因此首先也是母性照料的任务。不过,这里必须指出的是:在最早的婴儿期经验中,孩子所获得的信任感的多少,似乎并不取决于食物的绝对数量或爱的绝对“表现”,而更取决于母子关系的质量。母亲通过一种特殊的“管理”方式在孩子心中创造出信任感:这种方式在其质量上,将对婴儿个体需要的敏感照料,与她对自身可信赖性的坚定感受结合在一起,并且这一切都发生在她所信任的文化生活方式框架之内。这为儿童的身份认同奠定了基础;这种身份认同日后会把三种感觉结合在一起:觉得自己“没问题”、觉得自己是自己、并且正成为他人所信任的那种人。因此,在此前所界定的儿童照料中那些“必须做到的”条件之内,只要挫折能够引向一种反复更新的体验——体验到发展过程中的更大同一性与更强的连续性,并指向个体生命历程最终与某种更广泛而有意义的归属感相整合——那么,在这一阶段及其后的阶段里,几乎没有哪一种挫折是成长中的儿童所不能承受的。父母不仅要通过禁止与允许来形成某些指导方式,更必须能向孩子呈现出一种深层次的、几乎是躯体性层面的确信:他们所做的一切是有意义的。归根结底,儿童变得神经质,并不是因为挫折本身,而是因为这些挫折背后的社会意义缺失或丧失了。

But even under the most favorable circumstances, this stage seems to introduce into psychic life (and become prototypical for) a sense of inner division and universal nostalgia for a paradise forfeited. It is against this powerful combination of a sense of having been deprived, of having been divided, and of having been abandoned—that basic trust must maintain itself throughout life.
即便在最有利的环境下,这一阶段似乎也会在心理生活中引入(并成为其原型)一种内在分裂的感觉,以及对某种“被失去的天堂”的普遍怀旧。正是面对这种强有力的复合体验——既感到被剥夺、被分裂,又感到被遗弃——基本信任必须在一生当中设法维持下去。

Each successive stage and crisis has a special relation to one of the basic elements of society, and this for the simple reason that the human life cycle and man’s institutions have evolved together. In this chapter we can do little more than mention, after the description of each stage, what basic element of social organization is related to it. This relation is twofold: man brings to these institutions the remnants of his infantile mentality and his youthful fervor, and he receives from them—as long as they manage to maintain their actuality—a reinforcement of his infantile gains.
人一生中每一个相继展开的发展阶段及其危机,都与社会的某一基本要素有着特殊的关联,其根本原因很简单:人的生命历程与人类的制度性安排是共同演化出来的。在本章中,我们对于这种关系所能做的,仅仅是在描述每一个阶段之后,顺带指出与该阶段相关联的社会组织的基本要素。这种关系具有双重性:一方面,人把自己童年心态的残余和青春时期的热情带入这些制度之中;另一方面,只要这些制度依然能够保持其现实有效性,人又会从中获得对其早年心理收益的一种“加固”。

The parental faith which supports the trust emerging in the newborn, has throughout history sought its institutional safeguard (and, on occasion, found its greatest enemy) in organized religion. Trust born of care is, in fact, the touchstone of the actuality of a given religion. All religions have in common the periodical childlike surrender to a Provider or providers who dispense earthly fortune as well as spiritual health; some demonstration of man’s smallness by way of reduced posture and humble gesture; the admission in prayer and song of misdeeds, of mistroughts, and of evil intentions; fervent appeal for inner unification by divine guidance; and finally, the insight that individual trust must become a common faith, individual mistrust a commonly formulated evil, while the individual’s restoration must become part of the ritual practice of many, and must become a sign of trustworthiness in the community.* We have illustrated how tribes dealing with one segment of nature develop a collectivist culture.tive magic which seems to treat the Supernatural Providers of food and fortune as if they were angry and must be appeased by prayer and self-torture. Primitive religions, the most primitive layer in all religions, and the religious layer in each individual, abound with efforts at onement which try to make up for vague deeds against a maternal matrix and try to restore faith in the goodness of one’s strivings and in the kindness of the powers of the universe.
支撑新生儿信任感萌芽的那种父母之“信”,在整个人类历史中,一直在 organized religion(有组织的宗教)中寻求制度性的保障(而有时,也在那里遭遇到自己最大的敌人)。源于照料的信任,实际上是检验某一宗教在现实中是否“活着”的试金石。一切宗教都有一些共同特征:周期性地,以孩童般的方式向某位或某些 Provider(给予者)臣服,这些给予者同时掌管尘世的福祸与精神的健康;通过低微的姿势与谦卑的动作,来表现人的渺小;在祷告与歌唱中承认自己的恶行、恶念与恶意;以炽烈的心情祈求在神圣引导下获得内在统一;并最终意识到:个体的信任必须成为一种共同的信仰,个体的不信任必须被表述为一种共同的“邪恶”,而个体的复原则必须成为许多人共同参与的仪式实践的一部分,并在共同体中成为值得信赖的标记。* 我们已经举例说明,那些与自然某一部分打交道的部族,是如何发展出集体主义文化的。tive magic 则似乎把那些 Supernatural Providers(超自然的给予者)当作被激怒的神灵,必须通过祈祷和自我折磨来安抚。原始宗教——一切宗教中最原始的层次——以及每个个体内在的宗教层,都充满了各种 atonement(赎罪/补偿)的努力:这些努力试图弥补自己对某个“母性母体”所犯下的模糊过错,并重新建立对自身追求之善、以及对宇宙力量之慈悲的信心。

Each society and each age must find the institutionalized form of reverence which derives vitality from its world-image—from predestination to indeterminacy. The clinician can only observe that many are proud to be without religion whose children cannot afford their being without it. On the other hand, there are many who seem to derive a vital faith from social action or scientific pursuit. And again, there are many who profess faith, yet in practice breathe mistrust both of life and man.
每一个社会、每一个时代,都必须找到一种被制度化了的敬畏形式,并且让这种形式从该时代的“世界图像”中汲取生命力——无论这个图像是以“预定论”为核心,还是以“不确定性”为核心。临床工作者所能做的,只是观察到:有许多人为自己“没有宗教信仰”而感到自豪,但他们的孩子往往承受不起这种“无宗教”的代价。另一方面,也有不少人似乎能够从社会行动或科学追求中汲取一种至关重要的信心。再者,还有许多人口头上宣称自己有信仰,但在实际生活中,却在态度与气息中处处流露出对生命与人本身的不信任。

2. AUTONOMY VS. SHAME AND DOUBT

自主性 vs. 羞愧与怀疑

In describing the growth and the crises of the human person as a series of alternative basic attitudes such as trust vs. mistrust, we take recourse to the term a “sense of,” although, like a “sense of health,” or a “sense of being unwell,” such “senses” pervade surface and depth, consciousness and the unconscious. They are, then, at the same time, ways of experiencing accessible to introspection; ways of behaving, observable by others; and unconscious inner states determinable by test and analysis. It is important to keep these three dimensions in mind, as we proceed.
当我们把人的成长及其危机描述为一系列二元对立的基本态度(例如 trust vs. mistrust)时,我们会诉诸 “a sense of” 这一表达,尽管这种“感觉”就像 “a sense of health”(健康感)或 “a sense of being unwell”(不适感)一样,弥漫于心理生活的表层与深层、意识与无意识当中。因此,它们同时具有三重面向:一是作为体验方式,可以为自我反省所把握;二是作为行为方式,可以为他人所观察;三是作为无意识的内在状态,可以通过测试和分析来加以界定。在接下来的讨论中,把这三个维度都牢记在心是很重要的。

Muscular maturation sets the stage for experimentation with two simultaneous sets of social modalities: holding on and letting go. As is the case with all of these modalities, their basic conflicts can lead in the end to either hostile or benign expectations and attitudes. Thus, to hold can become a destructive and cruel retaining or restraining, and it can become a pattern of care: to have and to hold. To let go, too, can turn into an inimical letting loose of destructive forces, or it can become a relaxed “to let pass” and “to let be.”
肌肉成熟为儿童提供了一个舞台,使他得以开始在两种同时出现的社会性模式之间进行试验:holding on(抓住、保留)和 letting go(放开、放手)。像所有这些“模式”一样,它们的基本冲突,最终既可能导向敌意的期待与态度,也可能导向善意的期待与态度。于是,“抓住”既可能演变成破坏性和残酷的占有与束缚,也可能变成一种关怀的模式——to have and to hold(拥有并守护)。同样,“放手”既可能演变成对破坏力量的恶意释放,也可能成为一种从容的 “to let pass”(任其经过)与 “to let be”(任其存在)。

Outer control at this stage, therefore, must be firmly reassuring. The infant must come to feel that the basic faith in existence, which is the lasting treasure saved from the rages of the oral stage, will not be jeopardized by this about-face of his, this sudden violent wish to have a choice, to appropriate demandingly, and to eliminate stubbornly. Firmness must protect him against the potential anarchy of his as yet untrained sense of discrimination, his inability to hold on and to let go with discretion. As his environment encourages him to “stand on his own feet,” it must protect him against meaningless and arbitrary experiences of shame and of early doubt.
因此,在这一阶段,来自外部的控制必须是坚决而又能让人安心的。婴儿必须逐渐感到:那种对“存在”的基本信念——这是他在口欲阶段的狂怒中保存下来的持久财富——不会因为他现在的“急转弯”而受到破坏。所谓“急转弯”,指的是他突然而强烈地想要拥有选择权、想要以一种强硬的方式占有、并执拗地排斥和拒绝。适度而坚定的控制,必须保护他不致陷入潜在的无政府状态之中,因为他那尚未训练成熟的辨别能力,使他还不能有分寸地“抓住”或“放手”。当他的环境鼓励他 “stand on his own feet”(自立、自主)时,也必须同时保护他免于遭遇那些毫无意义、纯属任意施加的羞愧经验,以及早期的怀疑体验。
Idea
Think Correctly,Think Independently,Think Correctly在前面。
The latter danger is the one best known to us. For if denied the gradual and well-guided experience of the autonomy of free choice (or if, indeed, weakened by an initial loss of trust) the child will turn against himself all his urge to discriminate and to manipulate. He will overmanipulate himself, he will develop a precocious conscience. Instead of taking possession of things in order to test them by purposeful repetition, he will become obsessed by his own repetitiveness. By such obsessiveness, of course, he then learns to repossess the environment and to gain power by stubborn and minute control, where he could not find large-scale mutual regulation. Such hollow victory is the infantile model for a compulsion neurosis. It is also the infantile source of later attempts in adult life to govern by the letter, rather than by the spirit.
后一种危险,是我们最为熟悉的那一种。因为,如果孩子被剥夺了那种循序渐进、且得到良好引导的“自由选择的自主性”体验(或者,实际上,他一开始就因信任的缺失而变得薄弱),那么他就会把自己所有的分辨和操控的冲动都转向自身。他会过度地操控自己,发展出一种早熟的良心。他不再是通过占有事物、藉有目的的重复来检验它们,而是会对自己那种重复的行为本身着了迷。借助这种强迫性,他的确学会了重新把环境“收归己有”,并在无法获得大范围相互调节的地方,通过顽固而细密的控制来获取权力。这种空洞的胜利,就是强迫性神经症在童年期的模型;也是日后成人生活中那种“按字面治理而非按精神治理”的企图在婴儿期的根源。
Idea
看着局部泛化的能力也有破坏。
Shame is an emotion insufficiently studied, because in our civilization it is so early and easily absorbed by guilt. Shame supposes that one is completely exposed and conscious of being looked at: in one word, self-conscious. One is visible and not ready to be visible; which is why we dream of shame as a situation in which we are stared at in a condition of incomplete dress, in night attire, “with one’s pants down.” Shame is early expressed in an impulse to bury one’s face, or to sink, right then and there, into the ground. But this, I think, is essentially rage turned against the self. He who is ashamed would like to force the world not to look at him, not to notice his exposure. He would like to destroy the eyes of the world. Instead he must wish for his own invisibility. This potentiality is abundantly used in the educational method of “shaming” used so exclusively by some primitive peoples. Visual shame precedes auditory guilt, which is a sense of badness to be had all by oneself when nobody watches and when everything is quiet—except the voice of the superego. Such shaming exploits an increasing sense of being small, which can develop only as the child stands up and as his awareness permits him to note the relative measures of size and power.
羞耻是一种研究远远不够的情绪,因为在我们的文明中,它太早、也太容易被 guilt(罪疚感)所吸收。羞耻预设了这样一种情境:一个人被彻底暴露在外,并且清楚意识到自己正在被注视——一句话,就是 self-conscious(高度自我意识)。人已经处于“被看见”的状态,却还没有为“被看见”做好准备;这就是为什么我们在梦中,会把羞耻体验成一种情境:自己衣着不整、穿着睡衣,甚至是“with one’s pants down”(裤子都没穿好),在这样的状态下被人盯着看。羞耻在早期常常表现为一种冲动:想要捂住自己的脸,或者当场就“钻进地里去”。但我认为,这在本质上是一种转向自我的愤怒。一个感到羞耻的人,其实是想强迫这个世界不要看他,不要注意到他的暴露;他想要摧毁“世界的眼睛”。但他做不到,只能转而希望自己变得隐形。这种心理潜能,在某些原始民族中被大量运用在所谓“shaming”(羞辱式教育)的方法里。视觉性的羞耻,先于听觉性的罪疚——后者是一种“坏”的感觉,只在无人旁观、万籁俱寂时(除了 superego 的声音之外)由个人独自承受。这类羞辱,利用的是一种不断增强的“渺小感”,而这种感觉只有在孩子学会站立,并且他的意识足以注意到大小与力量的相对尺度时,才会发展起来。

Too much shaming does not lead to genuine propriety but to a secret determination to try to get away with things, unseen—if, indeed, it does not result in defiant shamelessness. There is an impressive American ballad in which a murderer to be hanged on the gallows before the eyes of the community, instead of feeling duly chastened, begins to berate the onlookers, ending every salvo of defiance with the words, “God damn your eyes.” Many a small child, shamed beyond endurance, may be in a chronic mood (although not in possession of either the courage or the words) to express defiance in similar terms. What I mean by this sinister reference is that there is a limit to a child’s and an adult’s endurance in the face of demands to consider himself, his body, and his wishes as evil and dirty, and to his belief in the infallibility of those who pass such judgment. He may be apt to turn things around, and to consider as evil only the fact that they exist: his chance will come when they are gone, or when he will go from them.
过度的羞辱不会通向真正的规矩与端正,反而会让人暗暗下定决心:只要不被看见,就要设法“蒙混过关”——如果,它不直接演变成一种公然挑衅的 shamelessness(无耻)的话。有一首令人印象深刻的美国民谣里,一个杀人犯即将在众目睽睽之下被吊死在绞刑架上,他并没有因此而适当地收敛、悔悟,反而开始痛骂围观的人群,每一轮反抗的炮火都以一句话结束:“God damn your eyes.”(上帝诅咒你们的眼睛。)许多被羞辱到难以忍受的小孩,或许会长期处在一种类似的情绪基调之中(尽管他们既没有这样的勇气,也没有这样的语言),想要用这种方式来表达自己的反抗。我借用这一阴暗的例子,是为了说明:无论是儿童还是成人,在面对那种要求他把自己、自己的身体以及自己的欲望都视为邪恶和肮脏的命令时,他的忍受力是有极限的;在面对那种“作出此等审判的人绝不会错”的要求时,他的信念也是有极限的。一旦到了那个临界点,他就很可能把一切彻底翻转:只把“它们的存在本身”视为邪恶——而他的机会,就会在它们消失之时,或者在他能够离开它们之时到来。

Doubt is the brother of shame. Where shame is dependent on the consciousness of being upright and exposed, doubt, so clinical observation leads me to believe, has much to do with a consciousness of having a front and a back—and especially a “behind.” For this reverse area of the body, with its aggressive and libidinal focus in the sphincters and in the buttocks, cannot be seen by the child, and yet it can be dominated by the will of others. The “behind” is the small being’s dark continent, an area of the body which can be magically dominated and effectively invaded by those who would attack one’s power of autonomy and who would designate as evil those products of the bowels which were felt to be all right when they were being passed. This basic sense of doubt in whatever one has left behind forms a substratum for later and more verbal forms of compulsive doubting; this finds its adult expression in paranoid fears concerning hidden persecutors and secret persecutions threatening from behind (and from within the behind).
Doubt 是 shame 的兄弟。shame 依赖于一种“挺立而被暴露”的自我意识,而 doubt——依我在临床观察中的看法——则与另一种意识密切相关:意识到自己有前面和后面,尤其是有一个 “behind”(屁股/后面)。对于身体的这一后侧区域来说,它在括约肌和臀部聚集了攻击性与色情性的焦点,却又是孩子自己看不见的;但与此同时,它却可以被他人的意志所支配。这个 “behind” 是这个小生命的“黑暗大陆”,是身体上的一块区域,可以被那些攻击他自主力的人“魔法般地”统治和有效入侵;而他们会把那些从肠道排出的东西——在“排出”的当下,孩子本来觉得“很正常”的那些东西——指定为邪恶。对“一切被自己留在身后之物”的这种根本性疑虑,构成了后来更为语言化的强迫性怀疑的底层基础;在成人生活中,它表现为一种偏执式的恐惧:觉得自己正被隐藏的迫害者和隐秘的迫害所威胁,而威胁是“从背后”(以及“从 behind 之内”)而来。

This stage, therefore, becomes decisive for the ratio of love and hate, cooperation and willfulness, freedom of self-expression and its suppression. From a sense of self-control without loss of self-esteem comes a lasting sense of good will and pride; from a sense of loss of self-control and of foreign overcontrol comes a lasting propensity for doubt and shame.
因此,这一阶段对许多关键“比率”的形成具有决定意义:爱与恨的比例、合作与任性(willfulness)的比例、自我表达的自由与其受压抑的比例。由“不损害自尊的自我控制感”中,会产生一种持久的善意与自豪感;而由“丧失自我控制感、并被外来力量过度控制”的体验中,则会产生一种持久的、偏向 doubt 和 shame 的倾向。
Idea
人格失调、神经官能症的两个最初的方向是 doubt 和 shame。
If, to some reader, the “negative” potentialities of our stages seem overstated throughout, we must remind him that this is not only the result of a preoccupation with clinical data. Adults, and seemingly mature and unneurotic ones, display a sensitivity concerning a possible shameful “loss of face” and fear of being attacked “from behind” which is not only highly irrational and in contrast to the knowledge available to them, but can be of fateful import if related sentiments influence, for example, interracial and international policies.
如果在某些读者看来,我们对于各个发展阶段中那些“负面”潜能的描述似乎过于渲染,那么我们必须提醒他:这并不仅仅是因为我们过分关注临床资料。许多成年人——包括那些看上去成熟而且并无明显神经症的人——在面对可能的、令自己“loss of face”(丢脸)的羞耻,或在面对“from behind”(从背后)受到攻击的恐惧时,会表现出极度敏感;这种敏感不仅高度非理性,与他们实际掌握的知识相矛盾,而且如果类似的情绪被带入(例如)种族间与国家间政策的制定之中,其后果可能是“命运性”的(fateful)。
Idea
情绪自律的根源。
We have related basic trust to the institution of religion. The lasting need of the individual to have his will reaffirmed and delineated within an adult order of things which at the same time reaffirms and delineates the will of others has an institutional safeguard in the principle of law and order. In daily life as well as in the high courts of law—domestic and international—this principle apportions to each his privileges and his limitations, his obligations and his rights. A sense of rightful dignity and lawful independence on the part of adults around him gives to the child of good will the confident expectation that the kind of autonomy fostered in childhood will not lead to undue doubt or shame in later life. Thus the sense of autonomy fostered in the child and modified as life progresses, serves (and is served by) the preservation in economic and political life of a sense of justice.
我们已经把 basic trust 与宗教制度联系在一起。个体有一种持久的需要:希望自己的意志,能在一个成人化的秩序之内被重新确认并加以界定,而这个秩序也同时重新确认并界定他人的意志——这种需要,在制度层面上的保障,就是 law and order(法律与秩序)的原则。无论在日常生活中,还是在国内与国际的最高法院中,这一原则都会为每个人划分其特权与限制、义务与权利。那些围绕在孩子身边的成年人,如果身上带着正当的尊严感与受法律保护的独立感,便会让一个心怀善意的孩子,能够自信地期待:童年时期所被培养出来的那种 autonomy(自主性),在今后的人生中并不会演变成不必要的 doubt 与 shame。由此,在儿童身上被培育出来、并随着人生发展而不断调整的自主感,一方面服务于(也同时受惠于)这样一种事实:在经济与政治生活中,人们仍然在努力维护一种对 justice(正义感)的信念与实践。

3. INITIATIVE VS. GUILT

主动性 vs. 负罪感

There is in every child at every stage a new miracle of vigorous unfolding, which constitutes a new hope and a new responsibility for all. Such is the sense and the pervading quality of initiative. The criteria for all these senses and qualities are the same: a crisis, more or less beset with fumbling and fear, is resolved, in that the child suddenly seems to “grow together” both in his person and in his body. He appears “more himself,” more loving, relaxed and brighter in his judgment, more activated and activating. He is in free possession of a surplus of energy which permits him to forget failures quickly and to approach what seems desirable (even if it also seems uncertain and even dangerous) with undiminished and more accurate direction. Initiative adds to autonomy the quality of undertaking, planning and “attacking” a task for the sake of being active and on the move, where before self-will, more often than not, inspired acts of defiance or, at any rate, protested independence.
在每一个发展阶段,每一个孩子身上都会出现一种生机勃勃的全新展开的“奇迹”,而这对所有人来说,既是一种新的希望,也是一种新的责任。这正是所谓 initiative(主动性)的感觉及其弥漫性的品质所在。界定这些“感觉”和“品质”的标准是相同的:一个在不同程度上伴随着笨拙与恐惧的危机得到了化解,表现为:孩子突然在“人格”和“身体”两方面都似乎“长到一块儿去了”。他看起来“更像他自己”了,更有爱心,更放松,判断力更清晰,也更有活力并能激发他人。他自由地掌握着一笔盈余的能量,使他能很快忘记失败,并带着毫不减弱、且更为准确的指向,去接近他所觉得可欲的目标——即便那些目标看起来同样充满不确定甚至危险。initiative 在 autonomy(自主性)之上,又增加了一层“承担、计划并主动‘进攻’一项任务”的品质,此时行动本身、以及“在路上”这件事本身,就构成了目的;而在此前,self-will(自我意志)更多激发的是一种对抗性的行为,或至少是一种带着抗议意味的“独立”。

I know that the very word “initiative” to many, has an American, and industrial connotation. Yet, initiative is a necessary part of every act, and man needs a sense of initiative for whatever he learns and does, from fruit-gathering to a system of enterprise.
我知道,对许多人来说,“initiative”这个词本身带着一种美国式、以及工业化时代的意味。然而,主动性却是任何行为中不可或缺的一部分;无论人要学习或从事何种活动——从采摘果实,到经营一整套企业体系——都需要一种 initiative 的感觉。

The ambulatory stage and that of infantile genitality add to the inventory of basic social modalities that of “making,” first in the sense of “being on the make.” There is no simpler, stronger word for it; it suggests pleasure in attack and conquest. In the boy, the emphasis remains on phallic-intrusive modes; in the girl it turns to modes of “catching” in more aggressive forms of snatching or in the milder form of making oneself attractive and endearing.
行走阶段以及 infantile genitality(婴儿期性器官化阶段),在基本社会模式的清单上又增加了一项:“making”,首先是 “being on the make” 的意义。几乎没有比这更简单、更有力的说法了:它意味着一种来自进攻与征服的快感。对于男孩而言,重点依旧在“阳具式的侵入”模式上;而对于女孩,它则更多表现为“catching”的模式——要么是更具攻击性的“抢夺”,要么是较为温和地让自己变得有吸引力、惹人怜爱。

The danger of this stage is a sense of guilt over the goals contemplated and the acts initiated in one’s exuberant enjoyment of new locomotor and mental power: acts of aggressive manipulation and coercion which soon go far beyond the executive capacity of organism and mind and therefore call for an energetic halt on one’s contemplated initiative. While autonomy concentrates on keeping potential rivals out, and therefore can lead to jealous rage most often directed against encroachments by younger siblings, initiative brings with it anticipatory rivalry with those who have been there first and may, therefore, occupy with their superior equipment the field toward which one’s initiative is directed. Infantile jealousy and rivalry, those often embittered and yet essentially futile attempts at demarcating a sphere of unquestioned privilege, now come to a climax in a final contest for a favored position with the mother; the usual failure leads to resignation, guilt, and anxiety. The child indulges in fantasies of being a giant and a tiger, but in his dreams he runs in terror for dear life. This, then, is the stage of the “castration complex,” the intensified fear of finding the (now energetically erotized) genitals harmed as a punishment for the fantasies attached to their excitement.
这一阶段的危险,在于会对自己在尽情享受新的“行动力”和“心智能力”时所设想的目标、所发起的行为,产生一种负罪感:这些行为往往包含攻击性的操控与强迫,很快就会远远超出机体与心智的实际执行能力,于是便不得不对原本计划好的主动性“紧急刹车”。autonomy(自主性)阶段的关注点在于“把潜在竞争者挡在门外”,因此很容易发展成嫉妒性的愤怒,而这种愤怒最常针对的是年幼兄弟姐妹的“入侵”;而 initiative(主动性)则带来了另一种类型的竞争:一种预期性的竞争对象,是那些“先到那里的人”,他们或许已经凭借更加优越的“装备”占据了自己主动性所指向的那片领域。infantile jealousy and rivalry(婴儿式的嫉妒与竞争)——那些往往带着怨气、却在本质上无效的努力,试图划定一个不容质疑的特权领域——此刻在与母亲争夺“被偏爱的位置”的最后一轮较量中,达到了顶点;而这种较量通常以失败告终,并带来认命、负罪与焦虑。孩子会沉溺于自己是“巨人”“老虎”的幻想之中,但在梦里,他却拼命奔跑,吓得几乎丢掉性命。于是,这就进入了 “castration complex”(阉割情结) 的阶段:孩子对自己那已经被大幅色情化的生殖器会遭到伤害,产生一种被“加码”的恐惧——仿佛那是对与这种兴奋相关的幻想所施加的惩罚。

Infantile sexuality and incest taboo, castration complex and superego all unite here to bring about that specifically human crisis during which the child must turn from an exclusive, pre-genital attachment to his parents to the slow process of becoming a parent, a carrier of tradition. Here the most fateful split and transformation in the emotional powerhouse occurs, a split between potential human glory and potential total destruction. For here the child becomes forever divided in himself. The instinct fragments which before had enhanced the growth of his infantile body and mind now become divided into an infantile set which perpetuates the exuberance of growth potentials, and a parental set which supports and increases self-observation, self-guidance, and self-punishment.
infantile sexuality(婴儿性的欲望)、incest taboo(乱伦禁忌)、castration complex(阉割情结)以及 superego(超我)在这里汇聚到一起,促成了一场极具人类特征的危机:在这场危机中,孩子必须从对父母那种排他的、“前生殖器期”的依恋,转向一个缓慢展开的过程——成为父母,成为传统的承载者。此处,在情感动力中心发生了最具命运意味的分裂与转化:在潜在人性荣耀与潜在彻底毁灭之间,出现了一道裂缝。因为在这里,孩子在自身内部从此被一分为二。此前那些曾经促进他婴儿期身心成长的本能碎片,如今分裂成两个部分:一部分仍然是 infantile set(幼儿本能组),继续维持那种充满生长潜能的勃勃生机;另一部分则成为 parental set(父母本能组),它支撑并加强了自我观察、自我引导以及自我惩罚。

The problem, again, is one of mutual regulation. Where the child, now so ready to overmanipulate himself, can gradually develop a sense of moral responsibility, where he can gain some insight into the institutions, functions, and roles which will permit his responsible participation, he will find pleasurable accomplishment in wielding tools and weapons, in manipulating meaningful toys—and in caring for younger children.
问题,再一次,是 mutual regulation(相互调节)。如果在这一阶段,那个随时准备“过度操控自己”的孩子,能够逐渐发展出一种道德责任感,并且对那些将来允许他“负责任地参与其中”的制度、功能与角色,获得某种程度的理解,那么他就会在一些活动中体验到愉快的成就感——比如使用工具和武器,操弄有意义的玩具,以及照顾更小的孩子。

Naturally, the parental set is at first infantile in nature: the fact that human conscience remains partially infantile throughout life is the core of human tragedy. For the superego of the child can be primitive, cruel, and uncompromising, as may be observed in instances where children overcontrol and overconstrict themselves to the point of self-obligation; where they develop an over-obedience more literal than the one the parent has wished to exact; or where they develop deep regressions and lasting resentments because the parents themselves do not seem to live up to the new conscience. One of the deepest conflicts in life is the hate for a parent who served as the model and the executor of the superego, but who (in some form) was found trying to get away with the very transgressions which the child can no longer tolerate in himself. The suspiciousness and evasiveness which is thus mixed in with the all-or-nothing quality of the superego, this organ of moral tradition, makes moral (in the sense of moralistic) man a great potential danger to his own ego—and to that of his fellow men.
当然,所谓 parental set 一开始本身就是 infantile in nature(在本质上仍是幼儿式的)。人类的良心在一生中始终部分保留着幼稚性,这一点,正是“人类悲剧”的核心所在。因为孩子的超我可能是原始的、残酷的、不妥协的,这一点可以从许多情形中观察到:例如,孩子过度控制和束缚自己,直到把自己逼入一种苛刻的自我义务状态;又比如,他们发展出一种“过度服从”,其字面意义远比父母本来希望要求的还要极端;再比如,当父母自己似乎并没有活出这套新形成的良心时,孩子会产生深度的退行和持久的怨恨。人生中最深刻的冲突之一,就是对父母的憎恨——这个父母曾经是超我的榜样和执行者,却被发现(以某种形式)正试图在那些孩子自己已无法容忍的越轨行为上“逃避责任”。由此掺入超我这一“道德传统器官”中的那种 suspiciousness(猜忌)与 evasiveness(躲闪),再叠加其“不是全有就是全无”的特性,使得所谓 “moral man”(在“说教式道德”的意义上)成为对自己自我、以及对他人自我的巨大潜在威胁。

In adult pathology, the residual conflict over initiative is expressed either in hysterical denial, which causes the repression of the wish or the abrogation of its executive organ by paralysis, inhibition, or impotence; or in overcompensatory showing off, in which the scared individual, so eager to “duck,” instead “sticks his neck out.” Then also a plunge into psychosomatic disease is now common. It is as if the culture had made a man over-advertise himself and so identify with his own advertisement that only disease can offer him escape.
在成人的病理状态中,围绕 initiative(主动性)所遗留下来的冲突,通常有两种表现方式:一种是歇斯底里的否认,通过瘫痪、抑制或无能(impotence)来压抑愿望,或者直接废除其执行器官;另一种则是过度补偿式的“炫耀”,在这种状态下,这个本来一心想要“躲开(duck)”的人,反而“把自己的脖子探出去”(sticks his neck out)。此外,如今一头栽入身心疾病(psychosomatic disease)的现象也变得十分常见。仿佛整个文化驱使人们不断地“过度宣传自己”,并且让他们高度认同于自己的这套“广告形象”,以至于只有疾病才能为他们提供一条逃脱之路。

But here, again, we must not think only of individual psychopathology, but of the inner powerhouse of rage which must be submerged at this stage, as some of the fondest hopes and the wildest phantasies are repressed and inhibited. The resulting self-righteousness—often the principal reward for goodness—can later be most intolerantly turned against others in the form of persistent moralistic surveillance, so that the prohibition rather than the guidance of initiative becomes the dominant endeavor. On the other hand, even moral man’s initiative is apt to burst the boundaries of self-restriction, permitting him to do to others, in his or in other lands, what he would neither do nor tolerate being done in his own home.
但在这里,我们再次不能只想到个体层面的 psychopathology(精神病理),还必须想到在这一阶段被压入水下的“愤怒内核”:由于一些最深的期望和最疯狂的幻想被压抑和禁止,这种怒火不得不被封存起来。由此产生的 self-righteousness(自以为是)——而这往往是“做好人”所得到的主要回报——在日后很容易以一种最不能容忍的方式转向他人,表现为持续不断的“道德监督”,以至于“禁止”而不是“引导”他人主动,变成了首要的努力方向。另一方面,即便是所谓的“moral man”(有道德的人),其主动性也往往会冲破自我约束的边界,使得他在本国或他国,对他人做出一些事情,而这些事他既不会对自己做,也不能容忍别人对他自己做。

In view of the dangerous potentials of man’s long childhood, it is well to look back at the blueprint of the life-stages and to the possibilities of guiding the young of the race while they are young. And here we note that according to the wisdom of the ground plan the child is at no time more ready to learn quickly and avidly, to become bigger in the sense of sharing obligation and performance than during this period of his development. He is eager and able to make things cooperatively, to combine with other children for the purpose of constructing and planning, and he is willing to profit from teachers and to emulate ideal prototypes. He remains, of course, identified with the parent of the same sex, but for the present he looks for opportunities where work-identification seems to promise a field of initiative without too much infantile conflict or oedipal guilt and a more realistic identification based on a spirit of equality experienced in doing things together. At any rate, the “oedipal” stage results not only in the oppressive establishment of a moral sense restricting the horizon of the permissible; it also sets the direction toward the possible and the tangible which permits the dreams of early childhood to be attached to the goals of an active adult life. Social institutions, therefore, offer children of this age an economic ethos, in the form of ideal adults recognizable by their uniforms and their functions, and fascinating enough to replace, the heroes of picture book and fairy tale.
鉴于人类那漫长童年的危险潜能,我们有必要回过头去,重新审视这一整套 life-stages(生命阶段)的蓝图,并思考:在人类的“年轻一代”尚且年幼时,有哪些可能的方式可以对他们加以引导。在这里,我们会注意到:根据这一“总体设计”的智慧,在整个发展历程中,没有任何一个时期比这一阶段更适合孩子“快速而贪婪地学习”,更适合他在“分担义务与承担工作”的意义上变得“更大”。在这个时期,他既渴望又能够与他人合作做事,能和别的孩子联合起来,为了“建造与规划”的目的而共同行动;他也愿意从老师那里获益,愿意模仿那些理想化的榜样。当然,他依然是和同性别的父母保持认同,但在目前这个阶段,他会寻找那种“work-identification”(工作认同)的机会——在那里,他似乎可以拥有一个主动性的空间,而不会卷入过多的幼儿冲突或 oedipal guilt(俄狄浦斯式的罪疚),也能在“一起做事”所带来的平等感基础上,获得一种更为现实的认同。不管怎样,“oedipal” 阶段的结果并不仅仅是:压抑性地建立起一种道德感,以限制“允许范围”的地平线;它同时也指明了一条指向“可能的、具体的事物”的道路,使得早期童年的梦想能够被接续到成年时期积极人生目标之上。因此,在这个年龄段,社会制度会向孩子们呈现一种 economic ethos(经济伦理氛围):以“理想成年人”的形象出现,他们可以借着制服和职能被识别出来,同时也足够具有吸引力,足以取代图画书和童话里的英雄形象。

4. INDUSTRY VS. INFERIORITY

勤奋 vs. 自卑

Thus the inner stage seems all set for “entrance into life,” except that life must first be school life, whether school is field or jungle or classroom. The child must forget past hopes and wishes, while his exuberant imagination is tamed and harnessed to the laws of impersonal things—even the three R’s. For before the child, psychologically already a rudimentary parent, can become a biological parent, he must begin to be a worker and potential provider. With the oncoming latency period, the normally advanced child forgets, or rather sublimates, the necessity to “make” people by direct attack or to become papa and mama in a hurry: he now learns to win recognition by producing things. He has mastered the ambulatory field and the organ modes. He has experienced a sense of finality regarding the fact that there is no workable future within the womb of his family, and thus becomes ready to apply himself to given skills and tasks, which go far beyond the mere playful expression of his organ modes or the pleasure in the function of his limbs. He develops a sense of industry—i.e., he adjusts himself to the inorganic laws of the tool world. He can become an eager and absorbed unit of a productive situation. To bring a productive situation to completion is an aim which gradually supersedes the whims and wishes of play. His ego boundaries include his tools and skills: the work principle (Ives Hendrick) teaches him the pleasure of work completion by steady attention and persevering diligence. In all cultures, at this stage, children receive some systematic instruction, although, as we saw in the chapter on American Indians, it is by no means always in the kind of school which literate people must organize around special teachers who have learned how to teach literacy. In preliterate people and in non-literate pursuits much is learned from adults who become teachers by dint of gift and inclination rather than by appointment, and perhaps the greatest amount is learned from older children. Thus the fundamentals of technology are developed, as the child becomes ready to handle the utensils, the tools, and the weapons used by the big people. Literate people, with more specialized careers, must prepare the child by teaching him things which first of all make him literate, the widest possible basic education for the greatest number of possible careers. The more confusing specialization becomes, however, the more indistinct are the eventual goals of initiative; and the more complicated social reality, the vaguer are the father’s and mother’s role in it. School seems to be a culture all by itself, with its own goals and limits, its achievements and disappointment.
于是,孩子的内在舞台似乎已经为“进入人生”做好了充分的准备,只不过,这里的“人生”首先必须是“学校生活”——无论学校是在田间、在丛林,还是在教室。孩子必须“忘记”过去的希望与愿望,而他那过于旺盛的想象力,也必须被驯服,并被驾驭在非人格化事物的法则之下——甚至包括最基础的 three R’s(读、写、算)。因为,在这个孩子在心理上已经是一个“雏形父母”之前,若要真正成为一个生物学意义上的父母,他必须先成为一名 worker 和 potential provider(潜在的供养者)。随着潜伏期(latency period)的到来,一个发展正常而超前的孩子会“遗忘”——或者更准确地说,是升华——那种通过直接攻击去“制造人”、或者急不可待地想要当爸爸或妈妈的冲动:他现在学会的是:通过“生产东西”来赢得认可。他已经掌握了行走的空间和器官模式;他已经体验到这样一种“终局感”:在“家庭子宫”的包裹之中,不再有可行的未来,于是他便准备好将自己投入到具体的技能与任务中,而这些技能与任务远远超出了仅仅把器官模式当作游戏表达的层次,或仅仅从四肢活动中获得快感的层次。他开始发展出一种 industry(勤奋、产业感):也就是说,他开始让自己适应工具世界那一整套“无机法则”。他能够成为生产情境中一个热切而专注的单元。让一项生产性情境“完成”本身,便成为一个目标,并逐渐取代游戏中那些随心所欲的意愿和兴之所至的念头。他的自我边界开始把工具与技能也包含进去:work principle(工作原则,Ives Hendrick 所说)教会他,在持续专注与坚持不懈的勤勉中,体会到“完成工作”本身的乐趣。在所有文化中,处于这一阶段的儿童都会接受某种系统的教导,尽管正如我们在关于 American Indians 的章节中看到的那样,这种教导并不总是发生在那种由“识字的人”围绕“学会如何教识字”的专门教师所组织起来的学校里。在前识字社会和非文字型劳动中,孩子们从成年人那里学到许多东西——这些成年人之所以成为“老师”,更多是出于天赋与兴趣,而不是出于任命;而或许,孩子真正学到的最大一部分内容,来自那些比自己年长的儿童。就这样,当孩子准备好去掌握“成年人”所使用的器皿、工具与武器时,技术的基本要素就得以发展。至于识字社会,由于职业分工更为专门化,就必须通过教给孩子那些首先让他“识字”的东西来进行准备——也就是为尽可能多的潜在职业,提供尽可能广泛的基础教育。然而,专业化越是令人困惑,主动性最终的目标就越显得模糊不清;社会现实越是复杂,父亲与母亲在其中所扮演的角色也就越发暧昧难辨。学校似乎成了一种独立的文化,有着自己一套目标与界限,有自己的成就,也有自己的失望。

The child’s danger, at this stage, lies in a sense of inadequacy and inferiority. If he despairs of his tools and skills or of his status among his tool partners, he may be discouraged from identification with them and with a section of the tool world. To lose the hope of such “industrial” association may pull him back to the more isolated, less tool-conscious familial rivalry of the oedipal time. The child despairs of his equipment in the tool world and in anatomy, and considers himself doomed to mediocrity or inadequacy. It is at this point that wider society becomes significant in its ways of admitting the child to an understanding of meaningful roles in its technology and economy. Many a child’s development is disrupted when family life has failed to prepare him for school life, or when school life fails to sustain the promises of earlier stages.
在这一阶段,孩子所面临的危险,在于产生一种自我不足感和自卑感。如果他对自己的工具和技能,或者在“工具伙伴”之间的地位感到绝望,他就可能因此丧失与这些伙伴、以及与工具世界某一部分建立认同的意愿。一旦失去了这种“工业式”联结的希望,他就可能被拉回到俄狄浦斯时期那种更加孤立、也较少工具意识的家庭内部竞争中去。孩子会对自己在工具世界里的“装备”以及在解剖学意义上的“装备”感到绝望,并认为自己注定平庸或能力不足。恰恰在这一点上,更广泛的社会才真正变得重要:社会要通过某些方式,让孩子被接纳到一种对“有意义角色”的理解之中——这些角色属于社会的技术和经济结构。许多孩子的发展恰是在这样的时刻被打断:要么是家庭生活未能为他的学校生活做好准备,要么是学校生活未能兑现早期阶段所做出的承诺。

Regarding the period of a developing sense of industry, I have referred to outer and inner hindrances in the use of new capacities but not to aggravations of new human drives, nor to submerged rages resulting from their frustration. This stage differs from the earlier ones in that it is not a swing from an inner upheaval to a new mastery. Freud calls it the latency stage because violent drives are normally dormant. But it is only a lull before the storm of puberty, when all the earlier drives re-emerge in a new combination, to be brought under the dominance of genitality.
谈到这一“勤奋感”逐渐发展的阶段时,我提到的,是在运用新能力时来自内外部的阻碍,而不是那些新的人类驱力被激化的情形,更不是它们被挫败后所产生的潜在怒火。这个阶段不同于早先的阶段,它并不是一种“从内在剧变到新掌握”的摆动。Freud 把这一时期称为 latency stage(潜伏期),因为种种猛烈的驱力在此阶段通常处于休眠状态。但这不过是在青春期风暴来临之前的短暂平静:到了青春期,先前的各种驱力会以一种新的组合形式重新浮现,并被纳入 genitality(生殖性)的主导之下。

On the other hand, this is socially a most decisive stage: since industry involves doing things beside and with others, a first sense of division of labor and of differential opportunity, that is, a sense of the technological ethos of a culture, develops at this time. We have pointed in the last section to the danger threatening individual and society where the schoolchild begins to feel that the color of his skin, the background of his parents, or the fashion of his clothes rather than his wish and his will to learn will decide his worth as an apprentice, and thus his sense of identity—to which we must now turn. But there is another, more fundamental danger, namely man’s restriction of himself
and constriction of his horizons to include only his work to which, so the Book says, he has been sentenced after his expulsion from paradise. If he accepts work as his only obligation, and “what works” as his only criterion of worthwhileness, he may become the conformist and thoughtless slave of his technology and of those who are in a position to exploit it.
另一方面,从社会层面看,这恰恰又是一个极为关键的阶段:因为所谓 industry(勤奋、产业性)必然牵涉到“在他人身旁做事、与他人一同做事”,于是,关于劳动分工与机会差异的初步感受——也就是对某种“技术—文化精神”(technological ethos)的感受——便在这一时期开始形成。我们在上一节中已经指出,当一个学童开始觉得,决定自己作为学徒的价值、从而决定自己身份感的,不是他的求知愿望和学习意志,而是他的肤色、父母的背景或衣着的式样时,这种感觉对个体与社会都蕴含着严重的危险——而关于身份认同的问题,正是我们接下来要讨论的。但还有另一种更根本的危险,那就是:人把自己局限起来,把自己的视野缩到只容得下“工作”——正如《圣经》(the Book)所言,这是人在被逐出天堂之后所被判决承担的命运。如果一个人把工作当成自己唯一的义务,并把 “what works”(“有效的东西”或“能用就行”)当作唯一的价值标准,他就可能沦为一种随波逐流、缺乏思考的奴隶——被自己的技术所奴役,也被那些掌握技术、能够加以利用的人所奴役。
Idea
早在之前的阶段已经注定的结果。

5. IDENTITY VS. ROLE CONFUSION

同一性 vs. 角色混乱

With the establishment of a good initial relationship to the world of skills and tools, and with the advent of puberty, childhood proper comes to an end. Youth begins. But in puberty and adolescence all samenesses and continuities relied on earlier are more or less questioned again, because of a rapidity of body growth which equals that of early childhood and because of the new addition of genital maturity. The growing and developing youths, faced with this physiological revolution within them, and with tangible adult tasks ahead of them are now primarily concerned with what they appear to be in the eyes of others as compared with what they feel they are, and with the question of how to connect the roles and skills cultivated earlier with the occupational prototypes of the day. In their search for a new sense of continuity and sameness, adolescents have to refight many of the battles of earlier years, even though to do so they must artificially appoint perfectly well-meaning people to play the roles of adversaries; and they are ever ready to install lasting idols and ideals as guardians of a final identity.
当孩子与技能和工具世界之间建立起一种良好的初始关系、并且青春期到来时,真正意义上的童年也就结束了,青年期开始了。然而,在青春期和青少年时期,那些早先被用来维系“相同性与连续性”的一切东西,都在不同程度上再次受到质疑:一方面,身体的快速生长几乎可与婴儿期相匹敌;另一方面,生殖器官的成熟又是一个全新的“添加条件”。面对这场在体内发生的生理性革命,以及前方面对的种种具体成人任务,这些正在成长与发育的青年,主要关切的便是:自己在别人眼中“看起来是什么样”,与自己“感觉自己是什么样”之间的差异,以及一个问题:如何把早先培养起来的各种角色与技能,同当代的职业原型联系起来。在追寻一种新的“连续感与同一感”的过程中,青少年不得不重新打响早年间许多旧战役,即便为了做到这一点,他们必须“人为地”指派一些本来十分好意的人来扮演“对手”的角色;与此同时,他们又随时准备为自己树立起一些可以长久依托的“偶像与理想”,作为“最终同一性”的守护者。

The integration now taking place in the form of ego identity is, as pointed out, more than the sum of the childhood identifications. It is the accrued experience of the ego’s ability to integrate all identifications with the vicissitudes of the libido, with the aptitudes developed out of endowment, and with the opportunities offered in social roles. The sense of ego identity, then, is the accrued confidence that the inner sameness and continuity prepared in the past are matched by the sameness and continuity of one’s meaning for others, as evidenced in the tangible promise of a “career.”
此时正在以 ego identity(自我同一性)的形式进行的整合,正如前文所指出的,并不只是“童年认同的总和”。它是这样一种累积经验:自我有能力把所有这些认同,同自身力比多(libido)的变迁、同从天赋中发展出来的各种才能、以及社会角色所提供的各种机会整合起来。由此形成的自我同一性感,乃是一种逐渐积累起来的确信:过去在内心中所准备好的那种“相同性与连续性”,确实能够在“自己对他人的意义”上获得匹配,而这种匹配在现实中通过一个“career”(事业)的具体承诺得到证明。

The danger of this stage is role confusion.* Where this is based on a strong previous doubt as to one’s sexual identity, delinquent and outright psychotic episodes are not uncommon. If diagnosed and treated correctly, these incidents do not have the same fatal significance which they have at other ages. In most instances, however, it is the inability to settle on an occupational identity which disturbs individual young people. To keep themselves together they temporarily overidentify, to the point of apparent complete loss of identity, with the heroes of cliques and crowds. This initiates the stage of “falling in love,” which is by no means entirely, or even primarily, a sexual matter except where the mores demand it. To a considerable extent adolescent love is an attempt to arrive at a definition of one’s identity by projecting one’s diffused ego image on another and by seeing it thus reflected and gradually clarified. This is why so much of young love is conversation.
这一阶段的危险在于 role confusion(角色混乱)。* 如果这种混乱建立在先前对自身性别同一性存在强烈怀疑的基础之上,那么“越轨行为”和赤裸裸的“精神病性发作”就并不罕见。如果在这一时期能够得到恰当的诊断与治疗,这些事件所带来的“致命意义”并不必然像在其他年龄段那样严重。然而在多数情形中,更困扰具体青少年的,其实是他们无法在“职业身份”上做出定局。为了“把自己拼在一起”,他们会暂时性地发生“过度认同”,甚至到了表面上几乎完全丧失自我同一性的程度——对象往往是“小圈子”或“大群体”中的英雄人物。这便开启了所谓“falling in love”(坠入爱河)的阶段;除非社会风俗强烈要求,否则这一阶段绝不完全、甚至不主要是性的事件。在相当大的程度上,青春期的爱情,是一种借助投射来界定自我同一性的努力:青少年把自己弥散的自我形象投射到另一个人身上,再经由对方的反映,来看到这一形象,从而逐渐加以澄清。这也就是为什么,青春期的爱情中有如此之多的内容,其实是“谈话”。

Young people can also be remarkably clannish, and cruel in their exclusion of all those who are “different,” in skin color or cultural background, in tastes and gifts, and often in such petty aspects of dress and gesture as have been temporarily selected as the signs of an in-grouper or out-grouper. It is important to understand (which does not mean condone or participate in) such intolerance as a defense against a sense of identity confusion. For adolescents not only help one another temporarily through much discomfort by forming cliques and by stereotyping themselves, their ideals, and their enemies; they also perversely test each other’s capacity to pledge fidelity. The readiness for such testing also explains the appeal which simple and cruel totalitarian doctrines have on the minds of the youth of such countries and classes as have lost or are losing their group identities (feudal, agrarian, tribal, national) and face world-wide industrialization, emancipation, and wider communication.
年轻人也会表现出一种惊人的“小宗派性”,并在排斥所有“不同的人”时显得非常残酷——这种“不同”可能体现在肤色、文化背景、兴趣品味与天赋,甚至常常体现在一些极为琐碎的层面上:诸如衣着或姿态,这些恰恰被暂时选作“圈内人/圈外人”标记的东西。重要的是,我们要理解(理解并不意味着宽恕或参与)这种不宽容:它本身是一种对身份混乱感的防御。因为青少年不仅会通过结成小团体、把自己、自己的理想和自己的敌人都“刻板化”,来暂时性地帮助彼此度过许多不适,他们还会以一种近乎“变态”的方式,相互测试对方“承担忠诚誓约”的能力。这种“随时准备被测试/测试他人”的心态,还解释了为什么那些简单而残酷的极权主义教条,会对某些国家和阶层的青年人具有如此大的吸引力——这些国家和阶层已经丧失或正在丧失其群体身份(封建的、农业的、部族的、民族的),同时又正面临全球范围的工业化、解放运动和更广泛的交流。

The adolescent mind is essentially a mind of the moratorium, a psychosocial stage between childhood and adulthood, and between the morality learned by the child, and the ethics to be developed by the adult. It is an ideological mind—and, indeed, it is the ideological outlook of a society that speaks most clearly to the adolescent who is eager to be affirmed by his peers, and is ready to be confirmed by rituals, creeds, and programs which at the same time define what is evil, uncanny, and inimical. In searching for the social values which guide identity, one therefore confronts the problems of ideology and aristocracy, both in their widest possible sense which connotes that within a defined world image and a predestined course of history, the best people will come to rule and rule develops the best in people. In order not to become cynically or apathetically lost, young people must somehow be able to convince themselves that those who succeed in their anticipated adult world thereby shoulder the obligation of being the best. We will discuss later the dangers which emanate from human ideals harnessed to the management of super-machines, be they guided by nationalistic or international, communist or capitalist ideologies. In the last part of this book we shall discuss the way in which the revolutions of our day attempt to solve and also to exploit the deep need of youth to redefine its identity in an industrialized world.
青春期的心智,本质上是一种 moratorium(延缓期、缓冲期)的心智:这是介于童年与成年之间的一个心理—社会阶段,也是介于“孩子所学到的道德”和“成人必须发展出的伦理”之间的阶段。这是一种“意识形态式的心智”——事实上,最能与这种心智对话的,正是社会本身的“意识形态视野”。青少年渴望得到同伴的肯定,也随时准备通过各种仪式、信条与纲领来获得“正式确认”;而这些仪式、信条与纲领往往同时界定了什么是邪恶的、诡异的、敌对的。因此,当人们在寻找那些用以引导身份同一性的社会价值时,就不得不直面 ideology(意识形态)与 aristocracy(精英统治)的问题——这里两者都被理解为一种尽可能宽泛的意义:在一个被界定了的世界图像和一条被预设了的历史进程中,“最好的人”会走上统治的位置,而统治本身也会“激发出人们身上最好的部分”。为了不在愤世嫉俗或冷漠麻木中迷失自己,年轻人必须在某种程度上说服自己:那些在他们所预期的成人世界中取得成功的人,因而也就同时承担起“成为最好的人”的义务。我们将在后文讨论:当“人类的理想”被套用到“超级机器的管理”上时,会产生怎样的危险——无论这些机器是被民族主义还是国际主义、被共产主义还是资本主义的意识形态所引导。在本书最后一部分中,我们还将讨论当代各种革命,是如何尝试去解决、并同时利用这种深层需求的:青年在一个工业化世界中,重新界定自我同一性的需求。

6. INTIMACY VS. ISOLATION

亲密 vs. 孤立

The strength acquired at any stage is tested by the necessity to transcend it in such a way that the individual can take chances in the next stage with what was most vulnerability precious in the previous one. Thus, the young adult, emerging from the search for and the insistence on identity, is eager and willing to fuse his identity with that of others. He is ready for intimacy, that is, the capacity to commit himself to concrete affiliations and partnerships and to develop the ethical strength to abide by such commitments, even though they may call for significant sacrifices and compromises. Body and ego must now be masters of the organ modes and of the nuclear conflicts, in order to be able to face the fear of ego loss in situations which call for self abandon: in the solidarity of close affiliations, in orgasms and sexual unions, in close friendships and in physical combat, in experiences of inspiration by teachers and of intuition from the recesses of the self. The avoidance of such experiences because of a fear of ego loss may lead to a deep sense of isolation and consequent self-absorption.
人在每一个阶段所获得的力量,都会在随后的一个阶段中接受一种“超越性”的考验:个体必须敢于拿上一阶段中“最珍贵、也最脆弱的东西”,去在下一阶段冒险。于是,刚从 identity(同一性)追寻与坚持中走出来的青年成人,便会急切而愿意地把自己的 identity 与他人的身份融为一体。他已准备好迎接 intimacy(亲密),也就是:有能力将自己投入到具体的联结与伙伴关系之中,并进一步发展出一种伦理上的力量,能够坚守这些承诺,即便这种坚守意味着重大的牺牲与妥协。此时,身体与自我必须已经能够主宰各类器官模式与核心冲突,才能在那些要求自我放下的情境中,面对“自我丧失”的恐惧:例如在亲密关系的团结之中,在性高潮与性结合之中,在深厚友谊与肉搏冲突之中,在师者启发与自身幽深处直觉浮现的经验之中。如果因为害怕自我丧失而回避这些经验,就很可能发展出一种深切的孤立感,并由此走向自我沉溺。

The counterpart of intimacy is distantiation: the readiness to isolate and, if necessary, to destroy those forces and people whose essence seems dangerous to one’s own, and whose “territory” seems to encroach on the extent of one’s intimate relations. Prejudices thus developed (and utilized and exploited in politics and in war) are a more mature outgrowth of the blinder repudiations which during the struggle for identity differentiate sharply and cruelly between the familiar and the foreign. The danger of this stage is that intimate, competitive, and combative relations are experienced with and against the selfsame people. But as the areas of adult duty are delineated, and as the competitive encounter, and the sexual embrace, are differentiated, they eventually become subject to that ethical sense which is the mark of the adult.
与 intimacy 相对的,是 distantiation(疏离):也就是一种随时准备把某些力量和人隔离开去、并在必要时彻底“摧毁”它们的态度——只要这些力量与人看上去对自己本质构成威胁,且其“领地”似乎侵犯了自己的亲密关系所能容纳的范围。由此形成的种种偏见(并在政治和战争中被利用、被放大),其实是早先为了争取 identity 而进行斗争时,那些更为盲目的否定行为的“成熟后代”:在那时,人会以一种极为尖锐而残酷的方式,把“熟悉的”与“陌生的”截然分开。这个阶段的危险在于:亲密关系、竞争关系和对抗关系,往往在“同一批人之间”被体验出来——既是与他们亲密,又是与他们竞争和战斗。但是,随着成年责任领域的渐次厘清,以及“竞争性遭遇”和“性之拥抱”的逐步区分,这些关系最终会被纳入一种标志着成人身份的伦理感之下。

Strictly speaking, it is only now that true genitality can fully develop; for much of the sex life preceding these commitments is of the identity-searching kind, or is dominated by phallic or vaginal strivings which make of sex-life a kind of genital combat. On the other hand, genitality is all too often described as a permanent state of reciprocal sexual bliss. This then, may be the place to complete our discussion of genitality.
严格说来,只有到了这一阶段,真正意义上的 genitality(生殖性、成熟的性)才能得到充分的发展;在此之前的许多性生活,要么是“为寻找同一性而发生的性”,要么是被“阳具式或阴道式追求”所主宰,因而把性变成了一种“生殖器战争”。另一方面,人们又太常把 genitality 描述成一种“永久的、相互的性福状态”。因此,在这里,也许正好可以把我们关于 genitality 的讨论收一个尾。

For a basic orientation in the matter I shall quote what has come to me as Freud’s shortest saying. It has often been claimed, and bad habits of conversation seem to sustain the claim, that psychoanalysis as a treatment attempts to convince the patient that before God and man he has only one obligation: to have good orgasms, with a fitting “object,” and that regularly. This, of course, is not true. Freud was once asked what he thought a normal person should be able to do well. The questioner probably expected a complicated answer. But Freud, in the curt way of his old days, is reported to have said: “Lieben und arbeiten” (to love and to work). It pays to ponder on this simple formula; it gets deeper as you think about it. For when Freud said “love” he meant genital love, and genital love; when he said love and work, he meant a general work-productiveness which would not preoccupy the individual to the extent that he loses his right or capacity to be a genital and a loving being. Thus we may ponder, but we cannot improve on “the professor’s” formula.
为了在这个问题上给出一个基本的方向,我想引用一句据说是 Freud 最短的名言。人们常常声称(而一些糟糕的谈话习惯似乎也在无意中强化这种说法):psychoanalysis 作为一种治疗,试图说服病人,在上帝与人面前,他只有一项义务——那就是要有“好的性高潮”、要有“合适的客体”、而且还得“定期”如此。当然,这是不真实的。Freud 曾被问到,他认为一个正常人应当“善于做”哪两件事;提问者大概本来预期能听到一段复杂的回答。但 Freud 用他晚年一贯简练的方式,据说只说了四个字:“Lieben und arbeiten”(去爱,去工作)。这句简单的公式值得反复琢磨——想得越久,就越能感到其中的深度。因为当 Freud 说“love”时,他指的是 genital love,是一种成熟的生殖性爱;而当他说 love and work 时,他指的是一种总体性的“工作—生产性”:这种生产性不会让个体忙到失去自己“作为一个具有生殖性与爱的能力之存在”的权利或能力。因此,我们可以不断思考这句话,却很难在实质上“改进”这位“教授”的公式。

Genitality, then, consists in the unobstructed capacity to develop an orgasmic potency so free of pregenital interferences that genital libido (not just the sex products discharged in Kinsey’s “outlets”) is expressed in heterosexual mutuality, with full sensitivity of both penis and vagina, and with a convulsion-like discharge of tension from the whole body. This is a rather concrete way of saying something about a process which we really do not understand. To put it more situationally: the total fact of finding, via the climactic turmoil of the orgasm, a supreme experience of the mutual regulation of two beings in some way takes the edge off the hostilities and potential rages caused by the oppositeness of male and female, of fact and fancy, of love and hate. Satisfactory sex relations thus make sex less obsessive, overcompensation less necessary, sadistic controls superfluous.
因此,所谓 genitality(成熟的生殖性),指的是一种“毫无阻碍地发展出性高潮能力”的状态:在这种状态中,这种 orgasmic potency(性高潮能力)几乎不受任何 pregenital(前生殖器期)干扰,使得 genital libido(生殖期的力比多——而不仅仅是 Kinsey 所说的那些在“outlets”中排出的性产物)得以在异性之间的 mutuality(互惠关系)中得到表达;此时,无论 penis 还是 vagina 都具有充分的敏感性,紧张感则以一种类似痉挛式的方式从整个身体中被释放出去。用这种相当具体的方式来谈一个我们实际上并未真正理解的过程,只是权宜之计。若从“情境”的角度来讲:在 orgasm 的高潮性动荡中,找到一种对“两个生命的相互调节”的至高体验,在某种意义上会削弱由“男女对立、事实与幻想对立、爱与恨对立”所激发的敌意与潜在的怒火。令人满意的性关系,因而会让性变得不再那么强迫性地占据心灵,使过度补偿变得不再必要,使施虐式的控制变得多余。

Preoccupied as it was with curative aspects, psychoanalysis often failed to formulate the matter of genitality in a way significant for the processes of society in all classes, nations, and levels of culture. The kind of mutuality in orgasm which psychoanalysis has in mind is apparently easily obtained in classes and cultures which happen to make a leisurely institution of it. In more complex societies this mutuality is interfered with by so many factors of health, of tradition, of opportunity, and of temperament, that the proper formulation of sexual health would be rather this: A human being should be potentially able to accomplish mutuality of genital orgasm, but he should also be so constituted as to bear a certain amount of frustration in the matter without undue regression wherever emotional preference or considerations of duty and loyalty call for it.
psychoanalysis(精神分析)由于长期专注于“治病”的一面,往往未能以一种对各个阶级、各个民族以及各种文化层级的社会过程都具有现实意义的方式,来表述 genitality 这一问题。精神分析所设想的那种“在性高潮中实现的互惠与共鸣”,显然比较容易出现在那些把性当作一种“悠闲制度”的阶层与文化中;而在更复杂的社会里,这种 mutuality 则会受到健康、传统、机会以及气质等众多因素的干扰,以至于对“性健康”的恰当表述,倒更应该是这样:一个人应当在潜能上“有能力”实现生殖性高潮的互惠,但他的身心结构也应当足以承受在这方面一定程度的挫折——只要这种挫折是出于情感偏好、责任或忠诚考虑所必需的,而不会因此发生过度退行。

While psychoanalysis has on occasion gone too far in its emphasis on genitality as a universal cure for society and has thus provided a new addiction and a new commodity for many who wished to so interpret its teachings, it has not always indicated all the goals that genitality actually should and must imply. In order to be of lasting social significance, the utopia of genitality should include:
psychoanalysis 有时把 genitality 夸大为一种“整治社会的万能灵药”,从而也为那些愿意如此解读其教义的人,提供了一种新的“瘾头”和新的商品;但它并不总是清晰指出:genitality 实际上应该、也必须包含哪些目标。若要在社会层面具有持久意义,关于 genitality 的乌托邦构想至少应包括如下内容:

1. mutuality of orgasm
性高潮的互惠性

2. with a loved partner
与一个自己所爱、也爱自己的伴侣

3. of the other sex
这个伴侣是异性

4. with whom one is able and willing to share a mutual trust
与其之间彼此有能力、也愿意建立 mutual trust(相互信任)

5 and with whom one is able and willing to regulate the cycles of
并且与其共同、有能力且愿意去调节以下各类“循环”:
    a. work(工作)
    b. procreation(生育)
    c. recreation(休闲/娱乐)

6. so as to secure to the offspring, too, all the stages of a satisfactory development.
以便也能为后代“保障”一个包含所有阶段、且令人满意的发展历程。

It is apparent that such utopian accomplishment on a large scale cannot be an individual or, indeed, a therapeutic task. Nor is it a purely sexual matter by any means. It is integral to a culture’s style of sexual selection, cooperation, and competition.
很明显,这样的乌托邦式成就若要在“大规模”上实现,既不可能只是一个个体任务,更不可能只是一个“治疗任务”;它无论如何也绝非纯粹的“性问题”。这一构想与一个文化中“如何择偶、如何合作、如何竞争”的整体风格密切相关,是其中不可分割的一部分。

The danger of this stage is isolation, that is the avoidance of contacts which commit to intimacy. In psychopathology, this disturbance can lead to severe “character-problems.” On the other hand, there are partnerships which amount to an isolation à deux, protecting both partners from the necessity to face the next critical development—that of generativity.
这一阶段的危险在于 isolation(孤立),即避免一切会把自己“卷入亲密”的接触。在精神病理学上,这类障碍会导致严重的“性格问题”。另一方面,还有一些表面上是“伴侣关系”的联结,其本质不过是一种 isolation à deux(两个人的孤立):它保护着双方,让他们免于面对下一阶段的关键发展——也就是 generativity(繁衍性、生成性)的任务。

7. GENERATIVITY VS. STAGNATION

繁衍 / 生成 vs. 停滞

In this book the emphasis is on the childhood stages, otherwise the section on generativity would of necessity be the central one, for this term encompasses the evolutionary development which has made man the teaching and instituting as well as the learning animal. The fashionable insistence on dramatizing the dependence of children on adults often blinds us to the dependence of the older generation on the younger one. Mature man needs to be needed, and maturity needs guidance as well as encouragement from what has been produced and must be taken care of.
本书重点放在童年阶段;否则,关于 generativity(繁衍/生成)的这一节必然会成为全书的核心部分,因为这个术语所涵盖的,是一种进化层面的发展:正是这种发展,使人类既是会学习的动物,也是会教导和建制的动物。时下流行的做法,是极力渲染儿童对成人的依赖,这种“戏剧化”往往让我们忽略了:年长一代同样依赖年轻一代。一个成熟的人,内心深处需要“被需要”;而成熟本身,也需要从那些已经被创造出来、又必须被照料的事物身上,获得引导与鼓励。

Generativity, then, is primarily the concern in establishing and guiding the next generation, although there are individuals who, through misfortune or because of special and genuine gifts in other directions, do not apply this drive to their own offspring. And indeed, the concept generativity is meant to include such more popular synonyms as productivity and creativity, which, however, cannot replace it.
因此,generativity 首先指的是:对“建立并引导下一代”这一任务的关切。尽管有一些人,出于不幸的遭遇,或因为在其他方向上有着特殊而真实的天赋,并不会把这种驱力直接用于自己的亲生子女身上。事实上,generativity 这个概念本就意在涵盖一些更为流行的同义词,比如 productivity(生产力)与 creativity(创造力),但这些词并不能真正取代它。

It has taken psychoanalysis some time to realize that the ability to lose oneself in the meeting of bodies and minds leads to a gradual expansion of ego-interests and to a libidinal investment in that which is being generated. Generativity thus is an essential stage on the psychosexual as well as on the psychosocial schedule. Where such enrichment fails altogether, regression to an obsessive need for pseudo-intimacy takes place, often with a pervading sense of stagnation and personal impoverishment. Individuals, then, often begin to indulge themselves as if they were their own—or one another’s—one and only child; and where conditions favor it, early invalidism, physical or psychological, becomes the vehicle of self-concern. The mere fact of having or even wanting children, however, does not “achieve” generativity. In fact, some young parents suffer, it seems, from the retardation of the ability to develop this stage. The reasons are often to be found in early childhood impressions; in excessive self-love based on a too strenuously self-made personality; and finally (and here we return to the beginnings) in the lack of some faith, some “belief in the species,” which would make a child appear to be a welcome trust of the community.
psychoanalysis 花了相当长的时间才意识到:一个人在“身心相遇”之中忘我投入的能力,会逐渐扩展其自我利益的边界,并把自己的力比多投入到“正在被生成的事物”之上。于是,generativity 就成为心理性发展表和心理社会发展表上的一个关键阶段。如果这种“丰盈感”完全得不到实现,个体便会退行到一种对 pseudo-intimacy(伪亲密)的强迫性需要中去,并常常伴随着一种弥漫性的停滞感和个人贫乏感。接下来,人们往往会开始纵容自己,好像自己就是自己的——或彼此是彼此的——“唯一的孩子”;而当外部条件允许时,早发的无能(无论是躯体性的还是心理性的)就会成为自我关切的载体。然而,仅仅“拥有孩子”甚至“想要孩子”这件事本身,并不能算是“达成了 generativity”。实际上,有些年轻父母似乎恰恰是在这个阶段的发展能力上出现了迟滞。其原因往往可以追溯到童年早期的印象;到一种以过度艰难的“自我造就”人格为基础的 excessive self-love(过度自恋);最后(在这里我们回到起点)则是缺乏某种信念——某种对“物种的信仰”(belief in the species)——这种信念能够让一个孩子显得像是整个共同体欣然接纳并托付于他们的一项信托。

As to the institutions which safeguard and reinforce generativity, one can only say that all institutions codify the ethics of generative succession. Even where philosophical and spiritual tradition suggests the renunciation of the right to procreate or to produce, such early turn to “ultimate concerns,” wherever instituted in monastic movements, strives to settle at the same time the matter of its relationship to the Care for the creatures of this world and to the Charity which is felt to transcend it.
至于那些“保障并强化 generativity 的制度”,我们只能说:一切制度都会以某种方式,把“世代相承的伦理”编纂进自己的规则之中。即便在那些哲学与精神传统中,人们被劝导放弃生育或生产的权利,这种早早转向“终极关怀”的生活方式——只要以修道运动的形式被制度化——也必然同时要处理好这样一个问题:它与对“尘世众生的照料”和那种被认为超越尘世的 “Charity”(博爱/仁慈)之间究竟是什么关系。

If this were a book on adulthood, it would be indispensable and profitable at this point to compare economic and psychological theories (beginning with the strange convergencies and divergencies of Marx and Freud) and to proceed to a discussion of man’s relationship to his production as well as to his progeny.
如果这是一本专门讨论成年期的书,那么在这一点上,去比较各种经济学与心理学理论(从 Marx 和 Freud 那些奇特的“相合与相异”开始),并进一步讨论“人和他自己的生产”以及“人与他自己的子嗣”之间的关系,便会成为一件既不可或缺、又大有裨益的工作。

8. EGO INTEGRITY VS. DESPAIR

自我整合 vs. 绝望

Only in him who in some way has taken care of things and people and has adapted himself to the triumphs and disappointments adherent to being, the originator of others or the generator of products and ideas—only in him may gradually ripen the fruit of these seven stages. I know no better word for it than ego integrity. Lacking a clear definition, I shall point to a few constituents of this state of mind. It is the ego’s accrued assurance of its proclivity for order and meaning. It is a post-narcissistic love of the human ego—not of the self—as an experience which conveys some world order and spiritual sense, no matter how dearly paid for. It is the acceptance of one’s one and only life cycle as something that had to be and that, by necessity, permitted of no substitutions: it thus means a new, a different love of one’s parents. It is a comradeship with the ordering ways of distant times and different pursuits, as expressed in the simple products and sayings of such times and pursuits. Although aware of the relativity of all the various life styles which have given meaning to human striving, the possessor of integrity is ready to defend the dignity of his own life style against all physical and economic threats. For he knows that an individual life is the accidental coincidence of but one life cycle with but one segment of history; and that for him all human integrity stands or falls with the one style of integrity of which he partakes. The style of integrity developed by his culture or civilization thus becomes the “patrimony of his soul,” the seal of his moral paternity of himself (“… pero el honor/Es patrimonio del alma”: Calderón). In such final consolidation, death loses its sting.
只有在这样的人身上,这“七个阶段”的果实才会逐渐成熟:他在某种程度上照料过事物与他人,并且在“作为他人的创造者、或作为产品与思想的生成者”的角色中,学会了去适应成功与失意这两种紧随“存在”而来的结果。对这种成熟状态,我想不出比 ego integrity(自我整合)更好的词。既然难以给出一个完全清晰的定义,我就只指出这种心理状态的几个要素:它首先是一种逐渐积累起来的确信,即自我天生偏好“秩序与意义”;它是一种“后自恋阶段”的对“人类自我”的热爱——而不是对“自我本身”的爱——这种爱把某种世界秩序与精神意蕴体验出来,无论这种体验曾经付出了怎样的代价。它意味着:接受自己的那一个、仅有的那一个 life cycle(生命历程),把它视为“必然要如此”的东西,视为一件“从来不允许有替代品”的事:也因此,它包含了一种新的、与以往不同的“对父母的爱”。它还意味着,与遥远时代和不同人生追求中那些“建立秩序的方式”建立一种“同志式的友谊”,这些方式往往体现在那些时代与追求的朴素成果与言语之中。一个拥有 integrity 的人,虽然清楚:在赋予人类努力以意义的各种生活方式之间,存在着相对性,但他仍然愿意在一切物质与经济威胁面前,捍卫自己这一套生活方式的尊严。因为他知道,个人生命不过是一条生命历程与某一段历史之间的一次偶然重合;对他而言,“整个人类的诚信”在现实中是通过“他所参与的那一种整合风格”来成败的。他所属文化或文明中所形成的那种 integrity style(整合风格),也就成了 “the patrimony of his soul”(他灵魂的遗产),是他对自己承担“道德父职”的印章。(“…… 但荣誉 / 是灵魂的遗产”:Calderón)在这样一种最终的整合中,死亡失去了它的毒刺。

The lack or loss of this accrued ego integration is signified by fear of death: the one and only life cycle is not accepted as the ultimate of life. Despair expresses the feeling that the time is now short, too short for the attempt to start another life and to try out alternate roads to integrity. Disgust hides despair, if often only in the form of “a thousand little disgusts” which do not add up to one big remorse: “mille petits dégouts de soi, dont le total ne fait pas un remords, mais un génie obscure.” (Rostand)
这种逐渐积累起来的自我整合若是从未获得,或者在晚年丧失,其征兆就是:对死亡的恐惧——即无法把“这唯一的一次生命历程”接受为人生的终极安排。despair(绝望)所表达的,是这样一种感受:时间已经所剩无几,少到不足以再开启一个新的人生,少到无法再尝试其他通往整合的道路。disgust(厌恶)则把绝望隐藏起来——往往表现为 “a thousand little disgusts”(一千个小小的自我厌恶),它们累加起来,却并没有构成一个大的悔恨:“mille petits dégouts de soi, dont le total ne fait pas un remords, mais un génie obscure.”(“一千个对自己的小小嫌恶,总和起来并不产生真正的悔悟,而只产生一种阴暗的才智。”——Rostand)

Each individual, to become a mature adult, must to a sufficient degree develop all the ego qualities mentioned, so that a wise Indian, a true gentleman, and a mature peasant share and recognize in one another the final stage of integrity. But each cultural entity, to develop the particular style of integrity suggested by its historical place, utilizes a particular combination of these conflicts, along with specific provocations and prohibitions of infantile sexuality. Infantile conflicts become creative only if sustained by the firm support of cultural institutions and of the special leader classes representing them. In order to approach or experience integrity, the individual must know how to be a follower of image bearers in religion and in politics, in the economic order and in technology, in aristocratic living and in the arts and sciences. Ego integrity, therefore, implies an emotional integration which permits participation by followership as well as acceptance of the responsibility of leadership.
每一个个体,若要成为成熟的成人,都必须在相当程度上发展出前面提到的所有自我品质;这样,“一位智慧的 Indian”、“一位真正的绅士”和“一位成熟的农民”,便都可以在彼此身上共享并认出那“完整的最后阶段”——integrity(整合)。但每一个 cultural entity(文化整体)若要在其特殊的历史位置上,形成一种独特的整合风格,就会采用一种独特的“冲突组合”,并配以相应的对 infantile sexuality(婴儿性欲)的激发与禁止。只有在文化制度以及代表这些制度的特殊领导阶层给予坚实支撑的条件下,童年冲突才有可能被转化为创造力。为了靠近或体验 integrity,个体必须懂得如何在宗教与政治中、在经济秩序与技术中、在贵族式生活与艺术与科学中,做那些“形象承载者”的追随者;与此同时,他也必须能够接受自己在这些领域中所应当承担的领导责任。因此,ego integrity 本身就意味着一种情感上的整合:这种整合既允许个体以追随者的身份参与,也允许他承担起作为领导者的责任。

Webster’s Dictionary is kind enough to help us complete this outline in a circular fashion. Trust (the first of our ego values) is here defined as “the assured reliance on another’s integrity,” the last of our values. I suspect that Webster had business in mind rather than babies, credit rather than faith. But the formulation stands. And it seems possible to further paraphrase the relation of adult integrity and infantile trust by saying that healthy children will not fear life if their elders have integrity enough not to fear death.
Webster’s Dictionary 很“贴心”地帮助我们以一种“首尾相接”的方式,给这个纲要画上圆圈。Trust(我们列举的第一个自我价值)在该词典中的定义是:“the assured reliance on another’s integrity”(对他人 integrity 的有把握的信赖)——而 integrity 正是我们讨论的最后一个价值。我怀疑 Webster 在写这个定义时,想到的是 business 而非 babies,是 credit 而非 faith。但这个表述依然成立。而且,我们似乎还可以进一步用一句话来概括“成人的 integrity 与婴儿的 trust 之间的关系”:如果长辈拥有足够的 integrity,以致他们“不再害怕死亡”,那么健康的孩子就不会害怕生活。

9. AN EPIGENETIC CHART

一个表观遗传图表

In this book the emphasis is on the childhood stages. The foregoing conception of the life cycle, however, awaits systematic treatment. To prepare this, I shall conclude this chapter with a diagram. In this, as in the diagram of pregenital zones and modes, the diagonal represents the normative sequence of psychosocial gains made as at each stage one more nuclear conflict adds a new ego quality, a new criterion of accruing human strength. Below the diagonal there is space for the precursors of each of these solutions, all of which begin with the beginning; above the diagonal there is space for the designation of the derivatives of these gains and their transformations in the maturing and the mature personality.
本书的重点在童年阶段。不过,前面提出的这一整套 life cycle(生命历程)构想,仍然有待系统化的处理。为此做准备,我将用一个图表来结束本章。在这个图表中(如同在那个关于 pregenital zones and modes(前生殖器区域与模式)的图表中一样),对角线代表的是一条“规范性顺序”:在此序列中,随着每一个阶段又有一个新的“核心冲突”被引入,个体在心理—社会层面便获得了一项新的“自我品质”,也获得了衡量“人类力量累积”的一种新的标准。对角线下方留出了空间,用以标示每一种解决方式的“前驱形态”——它们无一不是“从一开始”就已经在那里了;对角线上方则留出空间,用来标示这些成果的“衍生形式”,以及它们在“走向成熟”与“已经成熟”的人格中所发生的种种转化。

The underlying assumptions for such charting are (1) that the human personality in principle develops according to steps predetermined in the growing person’s readiness to be driven toward, to be aware of, and to interact with, a widening social radius; and (2) that society, in principle, tends to be so constituted as to meet and invite this succession of potentialities for interaction and attempts to safeguard and to encourage the proper rate and the proper sequence of their enfolding. This is the “maintenance of the human world.”
支撑这种图表方式的基本假设有两点:(1)人的人格,在原则上是按照一系列“事先预定的步骤”发展的——这些步骤取决于:正在成长中的个体,在多大程度上已经准备好被驱动、准备好觉察、并准备好与一个不断扩大的“社会半径”进行互动;(2)社会在原则上“倾向于”被组织成这样一种结构:它能够去回应并召唤这一连串潜在的互动可能,并努力“保护”与“鼓励”这些潜能展开时的“适当速度”和“适当顺序”。这就是所谓“人类世界的维持”(maintenance of the human world)。
Idea
最初的方向上的设定在后期的人生中发挥最重要的作用。
But a chart is only a tool to think with, and cannot aspire to be a prescription to abide by, whether in the practice of childtraining, in psychotherapy, or in the methodology of child study. In the presentation of the psychosocial stages in the form of an epigenetic chart analogous to the one employed in Chapter 2 for an analysis of Freud’s psychosexual stages, we have definite and delimited methodological steps in mind. It is one purpose of this work to facilitate the comparison of the stages first discerned by Freud as sexual to other schedules of development (physical, cognitive). But any one chart delimits one schedule only, and it must not be imputed that our outline of the psychosocial schedule is intended to imply obscure generalities concerning other aspects of development—or, indeed, of existence. If the chart, for example, lists a series of conflicts or crises, we do not consider all development a series of crises: we claim only that psychosocial development proceeds by critical steps—“critical” being a characteristic of turning points, of moments of decision between progress and regression, integration and retardation.
然而,chart(图表)不过是“用来思考的工具”,而不能被当作一种“必须遵守的处方”,无论是在 child-training(儿童养育实践)、在 psychotherapy(心理治疗)、还是在 child study(儿童研究的方法论)当中都不应如此。在把这些 psychosocial stages(心理—社会阶段)以 epigenetic chart(表观遗传图表)的形式呈现出来时——这一图表形式与第二章中用来分析 Freud psychosexual stages(性心理阶段)的图表是类比的——我们心里有着非常明确而且界限清晰的方法论步骤。本书的一个目的,就是便于将 Freud 最初以“性”来辨认出的那些阶段,同其他发展进程(例如生理的、认知的)进行比较。但任何一个图表都只能界定“一个发展进程”,我们决不能让人误以为:我们在这里对 psychosocial schedule(心理—社会发展进程)的勾勒,是要对其他发展面向——甚至对“存在本身”——做出某种模糊的“总体论”判断。举例来说:如果图表罗列出一连串 conflicts 或 crises(冲突或危机),这并不意味着我们认为“所有发展只是危机的系列”;我们要说的只是:心理—社会的发展是通过一系列“critical steps”(关键步骤)来推进的——而“critical”这个词的含义,正是指“转折点的性质”:也就是在“进步与退却”、“整合与迟滞”之间进行抉择的那些时刻。

It may be useful at this point to spell out the methodological implications of an epigenetic matrix. The more heavily-lined squares of the diagonal signify both a sequence of stages and a gradual development of component parts: in other words, the chart formalizes a progression through time of a differentiation of parts. This indicates (1) that each critical item of psychosocial strength discussed here is systematically related to all others, and that they all depend on the proper development in the proper sequence of each item; and (2) that each item exists in some form before its critical time normally arrives.
在这一点上,或许有必要把所谓 epigenetic matrix(表观遗传矩阵)所隐含的方法论意义说清楚一些。图中对角线上那些描线较重的方格,既表示一个阶段的顺序,又表示各个组成部分的渐进式发展;换句话说,这张图把“各部分的逐步分化”形式化为一个“在时间中推进”的过程。这至少说明两点:(1)这里所讨论的每一个“心理—社会力量的关键项目”,都与其他项目存在系统性的关联,并且这些项目无一不是依赖于各自按照恰当顺序得到恰当发展;(2)每一个项目,都必须在其“关键时刻”正常到来之前,以某种形式“预先存在”。

If I say, for example, that a favorable ratio of basic trust over basic mistrust is the first step in psychosocial adaptation, a favorable ratio of autonomous will over shame and doubt, the second, the corresponding diagrammatic statement expresses a number of fundamental relations that exist between the two steps, as well as some facts fundamental to each. Each comes to its ascendance, meets its crisis, and finds its lasting solution during the stage indicated. But they all must exist from the beginning in some form, for every act calls for an integration of all. Also, an infant may show something like “autonomy” from the beginning in the particular way in which he angrily tries to wriggle himself free when tightly held. However, under normal conditions, it is not until the second year that he begins to experience the whole critical opposition of being an autonomous creature and being a dependent one; and it is not until then that he is ready for a decisive encounter with his environment, an environment which, in turn, feels called upon to convey to him its particular ideas and concepts of autonomy and coercion in ways decisively contributing to the character and the health of his personality in his culture. It is this encounter, together with the resulting crisis, that we have tentatively described for each stage. As to the progression from one stage to the next, the diagonal indicates the sequence to be followed. However, it also makes room for variations in tempo and intensity. An individual, or a culture, may linger excessively over trust and proceed from I 1 over I 2 to II 2, or an accelerated progression may move from I 1 over II 1 to II 2. Each such acceleration or (relative) retardation, however, is assumed to have a modifying influence on all later stages.
举例来说,如果我说:basic trust 相对于 basic mistrust 的“有利比率”是心理—社会适应的第一步,而 autonomous will 相对于 shame and doubt 的“有利比率”是第二步,那么,与之对应的图解表述就不仅指明了这两步之间若干根本性的关系,也指明了各自若干根本性的事实。每一个项目都会在其所对应的阶段“上升到主导地位”、经历其危机、并找到一种可以持久维持的解决方式;但它们也都必须从一开始就以某种形式存在,因为任何一个具体行为,都需要把这些要素统合在一起。此外,一个婴儿从一开始就可能表现出某种类似“autonomy”的东西——例如,当他被紧紧抱住时,他会愤怒地扭动,试图挣脱。然而,在正常条件下,直到第二年,他才开始真正体验到一个“关键的对立”:既是一个自主的存在、又是一个依赖性的存在;也只有到了那时,他才准备好与自己的环境进行一次“决定性遭遇”。而这个环境,反过来也会“觉得自己有责任”,要用某种方式向他传达这一文化中关于 autonomy 与 coercion(自主与强迫)的特定观念,而这些传达将以一种决定性的方式影响他的性格和人格健康。我们在每一个阶段所做的那些“暂拟的描述”,说的正是这种“遭遇及其引发的危机”。至于从一个阶段到下一个阶段的推进,对角线标示了应当遵循的顺序;然而,它也为“节奏和强度”的变异留出了空间。一个个体,或者一个文化,可能会在 trust 上停留过久,从 I 1 经由 I 2 再到 II 2;也可能出现“加速推进”,从 I 1 经由 II 1 直接到 II 2。但每一次这样的加速或(相对的)迟滞,都被假定为会对所有后续阶段产生一种“修正性影响”。

An epigenetic diagram thus lists a system of stages dependent on each other; and while individual stages may have been explored more or less thoroughly or named more or less fittingly, the diagram suggests that their study be pursued always with the total configuration of stages in mind. The diagram invites, then, a thinking through of all its empty boxes: if we have entered Basic Trust in I 1 and Integrity in VIII 8, we leave the question open, as to what trust might have become in a stage dominated by the need for integrity even as we have left open what it may look like and, indeed, be called in the stage dominated by a striving for autonomy (II 1). All we mean to emphasize is that trust must have developed in its own right, before it becomes something more in the critical encounter in which autonomy develops—and so on, up the vertical. If, in the last stage (VIII 1), we would expect trust to have developed into the most mature faith that an aging person can muster in his cultural setting and historical period, the chart permits the consideration not only of what old age can be, but also what its preparatory stages must have been. All of this should make it clear that a chart of epigenesis suggests a global form of thinking and rethinking which leaves details of methodology and terminology to further study.*
因此,一张 epigenetic diagram(表观遗传图)实际上列出的是一套“彼此相互依赖的阶段系统”;虽然其中某些单独阶段可能已经被不同程度地探究过、并被赋予了或多或少合适的名称,但这张图提示我们:对每一个阶段的研究,都应始终在“整体阶段结构”的视野下进行。于是,这张图会邀请我们“把所有空格都想一遍”:如果我们已经在 I 1 这个格子里填入了 Basic Trust,在 VIII 8 这个格子里填入了 Integrity,那么我们就刻意把一个问题留空:在一个“受制于对 integrity 需求”的阶段中,trust 可能发展成什么样?同样,我们也把另一个问题留空:在一个“受制于 autonomy 追求”的阶段(II 1)中,trust 可能呈现出什么面貌、甚至该被称作什么?我们想强调的只是:trust 必须先作为一种“独立的东西”发展起来,之后才会在“autonomy 得以发展”的关键遭遇中,变成“更多的东西”——顺着图表的纵向,就这样一格一格往上推。如果在最后一个阶段(VIII 1),我们会期望 trust 已经发展成一个人在其文化语境与历史时期中所能召集出的“最成熟的信仰”,那么这张图就不仅允许我们思考“老年可以是什么样的”,也允许我们思考“它之前那些准备阶段必须是什么样的”。所有这一切,应该已经足以说明:一张 epigenesis(表观发生)的图表,所提示的是一种“整体式的思与重思”的方式,而方法论与术语层面上的细致问题,则留待后续研究去进一步展开。








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