1950 Erik Erikson.Eight Ages of Man

1950 Erik Erikson.Eight Ages of Man

Childhood AND Society
童年与社会

without a promise of fulfillment which from the dominant image of adulthood reaches down into the baby’s beginnings and which, by the tangible evidence of social health, creates at every step of childhood and adolescence an accruing sense of ego strength. Thus, before entering further into identity problems of our time we must now recognize the place of identity in the human life cycle. What follows in the next chapter is a list of ego qualities which emerge from critical periods of development—criteria (identity is one) by which the individual demonstrates that his ego, at a given stage, is strong enough to integrate the timetable of the organism with the structure of social institutions.
如果没有一种“将要实现的承诺”,从社会中占主导地位的成人形象一路向下延伸到婴儿期的起点,并且通过社会健康状况的具体证据,在儿童期和青少年期的每一步中,不断累积起自我力量的感觉,那么发展就不可能顺利进行。因此,在进一步讨论当代的身份认同问题之前,我们必须先承认:身份认同在整个人类生命历程中的地位。下一章所列的是一系列在发展关键期中出现的自我品质——这些品质(其中之一就是身份认同)构成了标准,用来判断个体在某一发展阶段,他的自我是否已经强大到足以把有机体自身的发展时间表与社会制度的结构整合在一起。

1. BASIC TRUST VS. BASIC MISTRUST

基本信任 vs. 基本不信任

THE FIRST demonstration of social trust in the baby is the ease of his feeding, the depth of his sleep, the relaxation of his bowels. The experience of a mutual regulation of his increasingly receptive capacities with the maternal techniques of provision gradually helps him to balance the discomfort caused by the immaturity of homeostasis with which he was born. In his gradually increasing waking hours he finds that more and more adventures of the senses arouse a feeling of familiarity, of having coincided with a feeling of inner goodness. Forms of comfort, and people associated with them, become as familiar as the gnawing discomfort of the bowels. The infant’s first social achievement, then, is his willingness to let the mother out of sight without undue anxiety or rage, because she has become an inner certainty as well as an outer predictability. Such consistency, continuity, and sameness of experience provide a rudimentary sense of ego identity which depends, I think, on the recognition that there is an inner population of remembered and anticipated sensations and images which are firmly correlated with the outer population of familiar and predictable things and people.
婴儿最初表现出的社会信任,体现在他进食的顺畅、睡眠的深度以及排便时的放松上。随着他接受外界刺激的能力不断增强,他与母亲供给方式之间形成了一种相互调节的经验,这种经验逐渐帮助他去平衡由先天体内平衡机制尚未成熟所带来的不适。在他逐渐延长的清醒时段里,越来越多的感官“冒险”开始唤起一种熟悉感,一种与内在良好感觉相重合的体验。各种安慰的形式,以及与这些安慰相关的人,变得像肠道啃咬般的不适一样熟悉。于是,婴儿的第一个社会性成就,就是他愿意在母亲不在视线范围内时,仍不至于过度焦虑或愤怒,因为母亲已经不仅是外在可预期的存在,同时也是内在的确定感。这种经验的一致性、连续性和同一性,提供了一种初步的自我同一性感。我认为,这种感觉取决于这样一种认识:在个体的内部,有一个由被记住和被期待的感觉与意象组成的“群体”,并且它与外部那个由熟悉而可预期的人与事物构成的“群体”之间,存在着牢固的对应关系。

What we here call trust coincides with what Therese Benedek has called confidence. If I prefer the word “trust,” it is because there is more naivete and more mutuality in it: an infant can be said to be trusting where it would go too far to say that he has confidence. The general state of trust, furthermore, implies not only that one has learned to rely on the sameness and continuity of the outer providers, but also that one may trust oneself and the capacity of one’s own organs to cope with urges; and that one is able to consider oneself trustworthy enough so that the providers will not need to be on guard lest they be nipped.
我们在这里所说的 trust,与 Therese Benedek 所称的 confidence 是一致的。如果我更偏爱 “trust” 这个词,那是因为其中包含了更多的天真成分和更多的相互性:对于一个婴儿,我们可以说他是 trusting,而若说他 has confidence 就未免过头了。此外,一般性的信任状态不仅意味着一个人已经学会依赖外部供给者的同一性与连续性,也意味着他可以信任自己以及自己器官应对内在冲动的能力;同时,他还能够把自己看作足够值得信赖,以至于那些供给者不必时刻保持戒备,担心会被他“咬上一口”。
Idea
信任是全面的、系统性的感受。
The constant tasting and testing of the relationship between inside and outside meets its crucial test during the rages of the biting stage, when the teeth cause pain from within and when outer friends either prove of no avail or withdraw from the only action which promises relief: biting. Not that teething itself seems to cause all the dire consequences sometimes ascribed to it. As outlined earlier, the infant now is driven to “grasp” more, but he is apt to find desired presences elusive: nipple and breast, and the mother’s focused attention and care. Teething seems to have a prototypical significance and may well be the model for the masochistic tendency to assure cruel comfort by enjoying one’s hurt whenever one is unable to prevent a significant loss.
这种对内在与外在关系的不断“品尝”和“试探”,在咬东西阶段的怒火中迎来了关键性的考验:此时,牙齿从内部带来疼痛,而外在的“朋友”们要么毫无助益,要么从唯一一个看似能带来缓解的行动——咬——中抽身退避。当然,并不是说出牙本身就会导致有时被归因于它的所有可怕后果。正如前文所概述的,此时婴儿被一种更强烈的“抓取”冲动所驱动,但他往往会发现自己渴望的对象难以捉摸:乳头与乳房,以及母亲集中而专注的关注与照料。出牙似乎具有一种原型式的意义,很可能成为后来受虐倾向的模型:当一个人无法阻止重大的损失时,通过“享受”自己的受伤来获得一种残酷的安慰。

In psychopathology the absence of basic trust can best be studied in infantile schizophrenia, while lifelong underlying weakness of such trust is apparent in adult personalities in whom withdrawal into schizoid and depressive states is habitual. The re-establishment of a state of trust has been found to be the basic requirement for therapy in these cases. For no matter what conditions may have caused a psychotic break, the bizarreness and withdrawal in the behavior of many very sick individuals hides an attempt to recover social mutuality by a testing of the borderlines between senses and physical reality, between words and social meanings.
在精神病理学中,基本信任的缺失最容易在 infantile schizophrenia(儿童期精神分裂症)中得到研究;而这种信任的终身潜在薄弱,则在某些成人的人格中表现得很明显:他们习惯性地退回到分裂样和抑郁状态中。对于这些个案,重新建立一种信任状态已被证明是治疗的基本前提。因为无论是哪种情形导致了精神性崩溃,许多重病个体身上所表现出的怪诞行为和退缩,其背后都隐藏着一种企图:通过不断试探感官与物理现实、语言与社会意义之间的边界,来恢复与他人的社会互惠关系。

Psychoanalysis assumes the early process of differentiation between inside and outside to be the origin of projection and introjection which remain some of our deepest and most dangerous defense mechanisms. In introjection we feel and act as if an outer goodness had become an inner certainty. In projection, we experience an inner harm as an outer one: we endow significant people with the evil which actually is in us. These two mechanisms, then, projection and introjection, are assumed to be modeled after whatever goes on in infants when they would like to externalize pain and internalize pleasure, an intent which must yield to the testimony of the maturing senses and ultimately of reason. These mechanisms are, more or less normally, reinstated in acute crises of love, trust, and faith in adulthood and can characterize irrational attitudes toward adversaries and enemies in masses of “mature” individuals.
Psychoanalysis 认为,早期对内在与外在的区分过程,是 projection 和 introjection(投射与内摄)这两种防御机制的起源,而它们一直是我们最深层、也最危险的一部分防御方式。在 introjection 中,我们会像对待一种事实那样去感觉和行动,仿佛外在的善已经变成了内在的确定性;在 projection 中,我们则把内在的伤害体验成外在的伤害:我们把实际上存在于自身之中的“恶”,赋予那些对我们具有重大意义的人。于是,这两种机制——projection 和 introjection——被认为是以婴儿身上的某种过程为原型:婴儿想要把痛苦“外化”,把快乐“内化”;但这种意图最终必须服从于日渐成熟的感官、以及最终的理性所提供的证据。在成年期,当人们在爱、信任和信仰方面遭遇急性危机时,这些机制会在或多或少“正常”的范围内重新被启动,并且能够在大批“成熟”个体对敌手和仇敌所采取的不理性态度中,留下清晰的印记。

The firm establishment of enduring patterns for the solution of the nuclear conflict of basic trust versus basic mistrust in mere existence is the first task of the ego, and thus first of all a task for maternal care. But let it be said here that the amount of trust derived from earliest infantile experience does not seem to depend on absolute quantities of food or demonstrations of love, but rather on the quality of the maternal relationship. Mothers create a sense of trust in their children by that kind of administration which in its quality combines sensitive care of the baby’s individual needs and a firm sense of personal trustworthiness within the trusted framework of their culture’s life style. This forms the basis in the child for a sense of identity which will later combine a sense of being “all right,” of being oneself, and of becoming what other people trust one will become. There are, therefore (within certain limits previously defined as the “musts” of child care), few frustrations in either this or the following stages which the growing child cannot endure if the frustration leads to the ever-renewed experience of greater sameness and stronger continuity of development, toward a final integration of the individual life cycle with some meaningful wider belongingness. Parents must not only have certain ways of guiding by prohibition and permission; they must also be able to represent to the child a deep, an almost somatic conviction that there is a meaning to what they are doing. Ultimately, children become neurotic not from frustrations, but from the lack or loss of societal meaning in these frustrations.
为解决“仅仅作为存在本身”的基本信任与基本不信任这一核心冲突,而建立起持久而稳定的模式,是自我的第一项任务,因此首先也是母性照料的任务。不过,这里必须指出的是:在最早的婴儿期经验中,孩子所获得的信任感的多少,似乎并不取决于食物的绝对数量或爱的绝对“表现”,而更取决于母子关系的质量。母亲通过一种特殊的“管理”方式在孩子心中创造出信任感:这种方式在其质量上,将对婴儿个体需要的敏感照料,与她对自身可信赖性的坚定感受结合在一起,并且这一切都发生在她所信任的文化生活方式框架之内。这为儿童的身份认同奠定了基础;这种身份认同日后会把三种感觉结合在一起:觉得自己“没问题”、觉得自己是自己、并且正成为他人所信任的那种人。因此,在此前所界定的儿童照料中那些“必须做到的”条件之内,只要挫折能够引向一种反复更新的体验——体验到发展过程中的更大同一性与更强的连续性,并指向个体生命历程最终与某种更广泛而有意义的归属感相整合——那么,在这一阶段及其后的阶段里,几乎没有哪一种挫折是成长中的儿童所不能承受的。父母不仅要通过禁止与允许来形成某些指导方式,更必须能向孩子呈现出一种深层次的、几乎是躯体性层面的确信:他们所做的一切是有意义的。归根结底,儿童变得神经质,并不是因为挫折本身,而是因为这些挫折背后的社会意义缺失或丧失了。

But even under the most favorable circumstances, this stage seems to introduce into psychic life (and become prototypical for) a sense of inner division and universal nostalgia for a paradise forfeited. It is against this powerful combination of a sense of having been deprived, of having been divided, and of having been abandoned—that basic trust must maintain itself throughout life.
即便在最有利的环境下,这一阶段似乎也会在心理生活中引入(并成为其原型)一种内在分裂的感觉,以及对某种“被失去的天堂”的普遍怀旧。正是面对这种强有力的复合体验——既感到被剥夺、被分裂,又感到被遗弃——基本信任必须在一生当中设法维持下去。

Each successive stage and crisis has a special relation to one of the basic elements of society, and this for the simple reason that the human life cycle and man’s institutions have evolved together. In this chapter we can do little more than mention, after the description of each stage, what basic element of social organization is related to it. This relation is twofold: man brings to these institutions the remnants of his infantile mentality and his youthful fervor, and he receives from them—as long as they manage to maintain their actuality—a reinforcement of his infantile gains.
人一生中每一个相继展开的发展阶段及其危机,都与社会的某一基本要素有着特殊的关联,其根本原因很简单:人的生命历程与人类的制度性安排是共同演化出来的。在本章中,我们对于这种关系所能做的,仅仅是在描述每一个阶段之后,顺带指出与该阶段相关联的社会组织的基本要素。这种关系具有双重性:一方面,人把自己童年心态的残余和青春时期的热情带入这些制度之中;另一方面,只要这些制度依然能够保持其现实有效性,人又会从中获得对其早年心理收益的一种“加固”。

The parental faith which supports the trust emerging in the newborn, has throughout history sought its institutional safeguard (and, on occasion, found its greatest enemy) in organized religion. Trust born of care is, in fact, the touchstone of the actuality of a given religion. All religions have in common the periodical childlike surrender to a Provider or providers who dispense earthly fortune as well as spiritual health; some demonstration of man’s smallness by way of reduced posture and humble gesture; the admission in prayer and song of misdeeds, of mistroughts, and of evil intentions; fervent appeal for inner unification by divine guidance; and finally, the insight that individual trust must become a common faith, individual mistrust a commonly formulated evil, while the individual’s restoration must become part of the ritual practice of many, and must become a sign of trustworthiness in the community.* We have illustrated how tribes dealing with one segment of nature develop a collectivist culture.tive magic which seems to treat the Supernatural Providers of food and fortune as if they were angry and must be appeased by prayer and self-torture. Primitive religions, the most primitive layer in all religions, and the religious layer in each individual, abound with efforts at onement which try to make up for vague deeds against a maternal matrix and try to restore faith in the goodness of one’s strivings and in the kindness of the powers of the universe.
支撑新生儿信任感萌芽的那种父母之“信”,在整个人类历史中,一直在 organized religion(有组织的宗教)中寻求制度性的保障(而有时,也在那里遭遇到自己最大的敌人)。源于照料的信任,实际上是检验某一宗教在现实中是否“活着”的试金石。一切宗教都有一些共同特征:周期性地,以孩童般的方式向某位或某些 Provider(给予者)臣服,这些给予者同时掌管尘世的福祸与精神的健康;通过低微的姿势与谦卑的动作,来表现人的渺小;在祷告与歌唱中承认自己的恶行、恶念与恶意;以炽烈的心情祈求在神圣引导下获得内在统一;并最终意识到:个体的信任必须成为一种共同的信仰,个体的不信任必须被表述为一种共同的“邪恶”,而个体的复原则必须成为许多人共同参与的仪式实践的一部分,并在共同体中成为值得信赖的标记。* 我们已经举例说明,那些与自然某一部分打交道的部族,是如何发展出集体主义文化的。tive magic 则似乎把那些 Supernatural Providers(超自然的给予者)当作被激怒的神灵,必须通过祈祷和自我折磨来安抚。原始宗教——一切宗教中最原始的层次——以及每个个体内在的宗教层,都充满了各种 atonement(赎罪/补偿)的努力:这些努力试图弥补自己对某个“母性母体”所犯下的模糊过错,并重新建立对自身追求之善、以及对宇宙力量之慈悲的信心。

Each society and each age must find the institutionalized form of reverence which derives vitality from its world-image—from predestination to indeterminacy. The clinician can only observe that many are proud to be without religion whose children cannot afford their being without it. On the other hand, there are many who seem to derive a vital faith from social action or scientific pursuit. And again, there are many who profess faith, yet in practice breathe mistrust both of life and man.
每一个社会、每一个时代,都必须找到一种被制度化了的敬畏形式,并且让这种形式从该时代的“世界图像”中汲取生命力——无论这个图像是以“预定论”为核心,还是以“不确定性”为核心。临床工作者所能做的,只是观察到:有许多人为自己“没有宗教信仰”而感到自豪,但他们的孩子往往承受不起这种“无宗教”的代价。另一方面,也有不少人似乎能够从社会行动或科学追求中汲取一种至关重要的信心。再者,还有许多人口头上宣称自己有信仰,但在实际生活中,却在态度与气息中处处流露出对生命与人本身的不信任。

2. AUTONOMY VS. SHAME AND DOUBT

自主性 vs. 羞愧与怀疑

In describing the growth and the crises of the human person as a series of alternative basic attitudes such as trust vs. mistrust, we take recourse to the term a “sense of,” although, like a “sense of health,” or a “sense of being unwell,” such “senses” pervade surface and depth, consciousness and the unconscious. They are, then, at the same time, ways of experiencing accessible to introspection; ways of behaving, observable by others; and unconscious inner states determinable by test and analysis. It is important to keep these three dimensions in mind, as we proceed.
当我们把人的成长及其危机描述为一系列二元对立的基本态度(例如 trust vs. mistrust)时,我们会诉诸 “a sense of” 这一表达,尽管这种“感觉”就像 “a sense of health”(健康感)或 “a sense of being unwell”(不适感)一样,弥漫于心理生活的表层与深层、意识与无意识当中。因此,它们同时具有三重面向:一是作为体验方式,可以为自我反省所把握;二是作为行为方式,可以为他人所观察;三是作为无意识的内在状态,可以通过测试和分析来加以界定。在接下来的讨论中,把这三个维度都牢记在心是很重要的。

Muscular maturation sets the stage for experimentation with two simultaneous sets of social modalities: holding on and letting go. As is the case with all of these modalities, their basic conflicts can lead in the end to either hostile or benign expectations and attitudes. Thus, to hold can become a destructive and cruel retaining or restraining, and it can become a pattern of care: to have and to hold. To let go, too, can turn into an inimical letting loose of destructive forces, or it can become a relaxed “to let pass” and “to let be.”
肌肉成熟为儿童提供了一个舞台,使他得以开始在两种同时出现的社会性模式之间进行试验:holding on(抓住、保留)和 letting go(放开、放手)。像所有这些“模式”一样,它们的基本冲突,最终既可能导向敌意的期待与态度,也可能导向善意的期待与态度。于是,“抓住”既可能演变成破坏性和残酷的占有与束缚,也可能变成一种关怀的模式——to have and to hold(拥有并守护)。同样,“放手”既可能演变成对破坏力量的恶意释放,也可能成为一种从容的 “to let pass”(任其经过)与 “to let be”(任其存在)。

Outer control at this stage, therefore, must be firmly reassuring. The infant must come to feel that the basic faith in existence, which is the lasting treasure saved from the rages of the oral stage, will not be jeopardized by this about-face of his, this sudden violent wish to have a choice, to appropriate demandingly, and to eliminate stubbornly. Firmness must protect him against the potential anarchy of his as yet untrained sense of discrimination, his inability to hold on and to let go with discretion. As his environment encourages him to “stand on his own feet,” it must protect him against meaningless and arbitrary experiences of shame and of early doubt.
因此,在这一阶段,来自外部的控制必须是坚决而又能让人安心的。婴儿必须逐渐感到:那种对“存在”的基本信念——这是他在口欲阶段的狂怒中保存下来的持久财富——不会因为他现在的“急转弯”而受到破坏。所谓“急转弯”,指的是他突然而强烈地想要拥有选择权、想要以一种强硬的方式占有、并执拗地排斥和拒绝。适度而坚定的控制,必须保护他不致陷入潜在的无政府状态之中,因为他那尚未训练成熟的辨别能力,使他还不能有分寸地“抓住”或“放手”。当他的环境鼓励他 “stand on his own feet”(自立、自主)时,也必须同时保护他免于遭遇那些毫无意义、纯属任意施加的羞愧经验,以及早期的怀疑体验。
Idea
Think Correctly,Think Independently,Think Correctly在前面。
The latter danger is the one best known to us. For if denied the gradual and well-guided experience of the autonomy of free choice (or if, indeed, weakened by an initial loss of trust) the child will turn against himself all his urge to discriminate and to manipulate. He will overmanipulate himself, he will develop a precocious conscience. Instead of taking possession of things in order to test them by purposeful repetition, he will become obsessed by his own repetitiveness. By such obsessiveness, of course, he then learns to repossess the environment and to gain power by stubborn and minute control, where he could not find large-scale mutual regulation. Such hollow victory is the infantile model for a compulsion neurosis. It is also the infantile source of later attempts in adult life to govern by the letter, rather than by the spirit.
后一种危险,是我们最为熟悉的那一种。因为,如果孩子被剥夺了那种循序渐进、且得到良好引导的“自由选择的自主性”体验(或者,实际上,他一开始就因信任的缺失而变得薄弱),那么他就会把自己所有的分辨和操控的冲动都转向自身。他会过度地操控自己,发展出一种早熟的良心。他不再是通过占有事物、藉有目的的重复来检验它们,而是会对自己那种重复的行为本身着了迷。借助这种强迫性,他的确学会了重新把环境“收归己有”,并在无法获得大范围相互调节的地方,通过顽固而细密的控制来获取权力。这种空洞的胜利,就是强迫性神经症在童年期的模型;也是日后成人生活中那种“按字面治理而非按精神治理”的企图在婴儿期的根源。
Idea
看着局部泛化的能力也有破坏。
Shame is an emotion insufficiently studied, because in our civilization it is so early and easily absorbed by guilt. Shame supposes that one is completely exposed and conscious of being looked at: in one word, self-conscious. One is visible and not ready to be visible; which is why we dream of shame as a situation in which we are stared at in a condition of incomplete dress, in night attire, “with one’s pants down.” Shame is early expressed in an impulse to bury one’s face, or to sink, right then and there, into the ground. But this, I think, is essentially rage turned against the self. He who is ashamed would like to force the world not to look at him, not to notice his exposure. He would like to destroy the eyes of the world. Instead he must wish for his own invisibility. This potentiality is abundantly used in the educational method of “shaming” used so exclusively by some primitive peoples. Visual shame precedes auditory guilt, which is a sense of badness to be had all by oneself when nobody watches and when everything is quiet—except the voice of the superego. Such shaming exploits an increasing sense of being small, which can develop only as the child stands up and as his awareness permits him to note the relative measures of size and power.
羞耻是一种研究远远不够的情绪,因为在我们的文明中,它太早、也太容易被 guilt(罪疚感)所吸收。羞耻预设了这样一种情境:一个人被彻底暴露在外,并且清楚意识到自己正在被注视——一句话,就是 self-conscious(高度自我意识)。人已经处于“被看见”的状态,却还没有为“被看见”做好准备;这就是为什么我们在梦中,会把羞耻体验成一种情境:自己衣着不整、穿着睡衣,甚至是“with one’s pants down”(裤子都没穿好),在这样的状态下被人盯着看。羞耻在早期常常表现为一种冲动:想要捂住自己的脸,或者当场就“钻进地里去”。但我认为,这在本质上是一种转向自我的愤怒。一个感到羞耻的人,其实是想强迫这个世界不要看他,不要注意到他的暴露;他想要摧毁“世界的眼睛”。但他做不到,只能转而希望自己变得隐形。这种心理潜能,在某些原始民族中被大量运用在所谓“shaming”(羞辱式教育)的方法里。视觉性的羞耻,先于听觉性的罪疚——后者是一种“坏”的感觉,只在无人旁观、万籁俱寂时(除了 superego 的声音之外)由个人独自承受。这类羞辱,利用的是一种不断增强的“渺小感”,而这种感觉只有在孩子学会站立,并且他的意识足以注意到大小与力量的相对尺度时,才会发展起来。

Too much shaming does not lead to genuine propriety but to a secret determination to try to get away with things, unseen—if, indeed, it does not result in defiant shamelessness. There is an impressive American ballad in which a murderer to be hanged on the gallows before the eyes of the community, instead of feeling duly chastened, begins to berate the onlookers, ending every salvo of defiance with the words, “God damn your eyes.” Many a small child, shamed beyond endurance, may be in a chronic mood (although not in possession of either the courage or the words) to express defiance in similar terms. What I mean by this sinister reference is that there is a limit to a child’s and an adult’s endurance in the face of demands to consider himself, his body, and his wishes as evil and dirty, and to his belief in the infallibility of those who pass such judgment. He may be apt to turn things around, and to consider as evil only the fact that they exist: his chance will come when they are gone, or when he will go from them.
过度的羞辱不会通向真正的规矩与端正,反而会让人暗暗下定决心:只要不被看见,就要设法“蒙混过关”——如果,它不直接演变成一种公然挑衅的 shamelessness(无耻)的话。有一首令人印象深刻的美国民谣里,一个杀人犯即将在众目睽睽之下被吊死在绞刑架上,他并没有因此而适当地收敛、悔悟,反而开始痛骂围观的人群,每一轮反抗的炮火都以一句话结束:“God damn your eyes.”(上帝诅咒你们的眼睛。)许多被羞辱到难以忍受的小孩,或许会长期处在一种类似的情绪基调之中(尽管他们既没有这样的勇气,也没有这样的语言),想要用这种方式来表达自己的反抗。我借用这一阴暗的例子,是为了说明:无论是儿童还是成人,在面对那种要求他把自己、自己的身体以及自己的欲望都视为邪恶和肮脏的命令时,他的忍受力是有极限的;在面对那种“作出此等审判的人绝不会错”的要求时,他的信念也是有极限的。一旦到了那个临界点,他就很可能把一切彻底翻转:只把“它们的存在本身”视为邪恶——而他的机会,就会在它们消失之时,或者在他能够离开它们之时到来。

Doubt is the brother of shame. Where shame is dependent on the consciousness of being upright and exposed, doubt, so clinical observation leads me to believe, has much to do with a consciousness of having a front and a back—and especially a “behind.” For this reverse area of the body, with its aggressive and libidinal focus in the sphincters and in the buttocks, cannot be seen by the child, and yet it can be dominated by the will of others. The “behind” is the small being’s dark continent, an area of the body which can be magically dominated and effectively invaded by those who would attack one’s power of autonomy and who would designate as evil those products of the bowels which were felt to be all right when they were being passed. This basic sense of doubt in whatever one has left behind forms a substratum for later and more verbal forms of compulsive doubting; this finds its adult expression in paranoid fears concerning hidden persecutors and secret persecutions threatening from behind (and from within the behind).
Doubt 是 shame 的兄弟。shame 依赖于一种“挺立而被暴露”的自我意识,而 doubt——依我在临床观察中的看法——则与另一种意识密切相关:意识到自己有前面和后面,尤其是有一个 “behind”(屁股/后面)。对于身体的这一后侧区域来说,它在括约肌和臀部聚集了攻击性与色情性的焦点,却又是孩子自己看不见的;但与此同时,它却可以被他人的意志所支配。这个 “behind” 是这个小生命的“黑暗大陆”,是身体上的一块区域,可以被那些攻击他自主力的人“魔法般地”统治和有效入侵;而他们会把那些从肠道排出的东西——在“排出”的当下,孩子本来觉得“很正常”的那些东西——指定为邪恶。对“一切被自己留在身后之物”的这种根本性疑虑,构成了后来更为语言化的强迫性怀疑的底层基础;在成人生活中,它表现为一种偏执式的恐惧:觉得自己正被隐藏的迫害者和隐秘的迫害所威胁,而威胁是“从背后”(以及“从 behind 之内”)而来。

This stage, therefore, becomes decisive for the ratio of love and hate, cooperation and willfulness, freedom of self-expression and its suppression. From a sense of self-control without loss of self-esteem comes a lasting sense of good will and pride; from a sense of loss of self-control and of foreign overcontrol comes a lasting propensity for doubt and shame.
因此,这一阶段对许多关键“比率”的形成具有决定意义:爱与恨的比例、合作与任性(willfulness)的比例、自我表达的自由与其受压抑的比例。由“不损害自尊的自我控制感”中,会产生一种持久的善意与自豪感;而由“丧失自我控制感、并被外来力量过度控制”的体验中,则会产生一种持久的、偏向 doubt 和 shame 的倾向。
Idea
人格失调、神经官能症的两个最初的方向是 doubt 和 shame。
If, to some reader, the “negative” potentialities of our stages seem overstated throughout, we must remind him that this is not only the result of a preoccupation with clinical data. Adults, and seemingly mature and unneurotic ones, display a sensitivity concerning a possible shameful “loss of face” and fear of being attacked “from behind” which is not only highly irrational and in contrast to the knowledge available to them, but can be of fateful import if related sentiments influence, for example, interracial and international policies.
如果在某些读者看来,我们对于各个发展阶段中那些“负面”潜能的描述似乎过于渲染,那么我们必须提醒他:这并不仅仅是因为我们过分关注临床资料。许多成年人——包括那些看上去成熟而且并无明显神经症的人——在面对可能的、令自己“loss of face”(丢脸)的羞耻,或在面对“from behind”(从背后)受到攻击的恐惧时,会表现出极度敏感;这种敏感不仅高度非理性,与他们实际掌握的知识相矛盾,而且如果类似的情绪被带入(例如)种族间与国家间政策的制定之中,其后果可能是“命运性”的(fateful)。
Idea
情绪自律的根源。
We have related basic trust to the institution of religion. The lasting need of the individual to have his will reaffirmed and delineated within an adult order of things which at the same time reaffirms and delineates the will of others has an institutional safeguard in the principle of law and order. In daily life as well as in the high courts of law—domestic and international—this principle apportions to each his privileges and his limitations, his obligations and his rights. A sense of rightful dignity and lawful independence on the part of adults around him gives to the child of good will the confident expectation that the kind of autonomy fostered in childhood will not lead to undue doubt or shame in later life. Thus the sense of autonomy fostered in the child and modified as life progresses, serves (and is served by) the preservation in economic and political life of a sense of justice.
我们已经把 basic trust 与宗教制度联系在一起。个体有一种持久的需要:希望自己的意志,能在一个成人化的秩序之内被重新确认并加以界定,而这个秩序也同时重新确认并界定他人的意志——这种需要,在制度层面上的保障,就是 law and order(法律与秩序)的原则。无论在日常生活中,还是在国内与国际的最高法院中,这一原则都会为每个人划分其特权与限制、义务与权利。那些围绕在孩子身边的成年人,如果身上带着正当的尊严感与受法律保护的独立感,便会让一个心怀善意的孩子,能够自信地期待:童年时期所被培养出来的那种 autonomy(自主性),在今后的人生中并不会演变成不必要的 doubt 与 shame。由此,在儿童身上被培育出来、并随着人生发展而不断调整的自主感,一方面服务于(也同时受惠于)这样一种事实:在经济与政治生活中,人们仍然在努力维护一种对 justice(正义感)的信念与实践。

3. INITIATIVE VS. GUILT

主动性 vs. 负罪感

There is in every child at every stage a new miracle of vigorous unfolding, which constitutes a new hope and a new responsibility for all. Such is the sense and the pervading quality of initiative. The criteria for all these senses and qualities are the same: a crisis, more or less beset with fumbling and fear, is resolved, in that the child suddenly seems to “grow together” both in his person and in his body. He appears “more himself,” more loving, relaxed and brighter in his judgment, more activated and activating. He is in free possession of a surplus of energy which permits him to forget failures quickly and to approach what seems desirable (even if it also seems uncertain and even dangerous) with undiminished and more accurate direction. Initiative adds to autonomy the quality of undertaking, planning and “attacking” a task for the sake of being active and on the move, where before self-will, more often than not, inspired acts of defiance or, at any rate, protested independence.
在每一个发展阶段,每一个孩子身上都会出现一种生机勃勃的全新展开的“奇迹”,而这对所有人来说,既是一种新的希望,也是一种新的责任。这正是所谓 initiative(主动性)的感觉及其弥漫性的品质所在。界定这些“感觉”和“品质”的标准是相同的:一个在不同程度上伴随着笨拙与恐惧的危机得到了化解,表现为:孩子突然在“人格”和“身体”两方面都似乎“长到一块儿去了”。他看起来“更像他自己”了,更有爱心,更放松,判断力更清晰,也更有活力并能激发他人。他自由地掌握着一笔盈余的能量,使他能很快忘记失败,并带着毫不减弱、且更为准确的指向,去接近他所觉得可欲的目标——即便那些目标看起来同样充满不确定甚至危险。initiative 在 autonomy(自主性)之上,又增加了一层“承担、计划并主动‘进攻’一项任务”的品质,此时行动本身、以及“在路上”这件事本身,就构成了目的;而在此前,self-will(自我意志)更多激发的是一种对抗性的行为,或至少是一种带着抗议意味的“独立”。

I know that the very word “initiative” to many, has an American, and industrial connotation. Yet, initiative is a necessary part of every act, and man needs a sense of initiative for whatever he learns and does, from fruit-gathering to a system of enterprise.
我知道,对许多人来说,“initiative”这个词本身带着一种美国式、以及工业化时代的意味。然而,主动性却是任何行为中不可或缺的一部分;无论人要学习或从事何种活动——从采摘果实,到经营一整套企业体系——都需要一种 initiative 的感觉。

The ambulatory stage and that of infantile genitality add to the inventory of basic social modalities that of “making,” first in the sense of “being on the make.” There is no simpler, stronger word for it; it suggests pleasure in attack and conquest. In the boy, the emphasis remains on phallic-intrusive modes; in the girl it turns to modes of “catching” in more aggressive forms of snatching or in the milder form of making oneself attractive and endearing.
行走阶段以及 infantile genitality(婴儿期性器官化阶段),在基本社会模式的清单上又增加了一项:“making”,首先是 “being on the make” 的意义。几乎没有比这更简单、更有力的说法了:它意味着一种来自进攻与征服的快感。对于男孩而言,重点依旧在“阳具式的侵入”模式上;而对于女孩,它则更多表现为“catching”的模式——要么是更具攻击性的“抢夺”,要么是较为温和地让自己变得有吸引力、惹人怜爱。

The danger of this stage is a sense of guilt over the goals contemplated and the acts initiated in one’s exuberant enjoyment of new locomotor and mental power: acts of aggressive manipulation and coercion which soon go far beyond the executive capacity of organism and mind and therefore call for an energetic halt on one’s contemplated initiative. While autonomy concentrates on keeping potential rivals out, and therefore can lead to jealous rage most often directed against encroachments by younger siblings, initiative brings with it anticipatory rivalry with those who have been there first and may, therefore, occupy with their superior equipment the field toward which one’s initiative is directed. Infantile jealousy and rivalry, those often embittered and yet essentially futile attempts at demarcating a sphere of unquestioned privilege, now come to a climax in a final contest for a favored position with the mother; the usual failure leads to resignation, guilt, and anxiety. The child indulges in fantasies of being a giant and a tiger, but in his dreams he runs in terror for dear life. This, then, is the stage of the “castration complex,” the intensified fear of finding the (now energetically erotized) genitals harmed as a punishment for the fantasies attached to their excitement.
这一阶段的危险,在于会对自己在尽情享受新的“行动力”和“心智能力”时所设想的目标、所发起的行为,产生一种负罪感:这些行为往往包含攻击性的操控与强迫,很快就会远远超出机体与心智的实际执行能力,于是便不得不对原本计划好的主动性“紧急刹车”。autonomy(自主性)阶段的关注点在于“把潜在竞争者挡在门外”,因此很容易发展成嫉妒性的愤怒,而这种愤怒最常针对的是年幼兄弟姐妹的“入侵”;而 initiative(主动性)则带来了另一种类型的竞争:一种预期性的竞争对象,是那些“先到那里的人”,他们或许已经凭借更加优越的“装备”占据了自己主动性所指向的那片领域。infantile jealousy and rivalry(婴儿式的嫉妒与竞争)——那些往往带着怨气、却在本质上无效的努力,试图划定一个不容质疑的特权领域——此刻在与母亲争夺“被偏爱的位置”的最后一轮较量中,达到了顶点;而这种较量通常以失败告终,并带来认命、负罪与焦虑。孩子会沉溺于自己是“巨人”“老虎”的幻想之中,但在梦里,他却拼命奔跑,吓得几乎丢掉性命。于是,这就进入了 “castration complex”(阉割情结) 的阶段:孩子对自己那已经被大幅色情化的生殖器会遭到伤害,产生一种被“加码”的恐惧——仿佛那是对与这种兴奋相关的幻想所施加的惩罚。

Infantile sexuality and incest taboo, castration complex and superego all unite here to bring about that specifically human crisis during which the child must turn from an exclusive, pre-genital attachment to his parents to the slow process of becoming a parent, a carrier of tradition. Here the most fateful split and transformation in the emotional powerhouse occurs, a split between potential human glory and potential total destruction. For here the child becomes forever divided in himself. The instinct fragments which before had enhanced the growth of his infantile body and mind now become divided into an infantile set which perpetuates the exuberance of growth potentials, and a parental set which supports and increases self-observation, self-guidance, and self-punishment.
infantile sexuality(婴儿性的欲望)、incest taboo(乱伦禁忌)、castration complex(阉割情结)以及 superego(超我)在这里汇聚到一起,促成了一场极具人类特征的危机:在这场危机中,孩子必须从对父母那种排他的、“前生殖器期”的依恋,转向一个缓慢展开的过程——成为父母,成为传统的承载者。此处,在情感动力中心发生了最具命运意味的分裂与转化:在潜在人性荣耀与潜在彻底毁灭之间,出现了一道裂缝。因为在这里,孩子在自身内部从此被一分为二。此前那些曾经促进他婴儿期身心成长的本能碎片,如今分裂成两个部分:一部分仍然是 infantile set(幼儿本能组),继续维持那种充满生长潜能的勃勃生机;另一部分则成为 parental set(父母本能组),它支撑并加强了自我观察、自我引导以及自我惩罚。

The problem, again, is one of mutual regulation. Where the child, now so ready to overmanipulate himself, can gradually develop a sense of moral responsibility, where he can gain some insight into the institutions, functions, and roles which will permit his responsible participation, he will find pleasurable accomplishment in wielding tools and weapons, in manipulating meaningful toys—and in caring for younger children.
问题,再一次,是 mutual regulation(相互调节)。如果在这一阶段,那个随时准备“过度操控自己”的孩子,能够逐渐发展出一种道德责任感,并且对那些将来允许他“负责任地参与其中”的制度、功能与角色,获得某种程度的理解,那么他就会在一些活动中体验到愉快的成就感——比如使用工具和武器,操弄有意义的玩具,以及照顾更小的孩子。

Naturally, the parental set is at first infantile in nature: the fact that human conscience remains partially infantile throughout life is the core of human tragedy. For the superego of the child can be primitive, cruel, and uncompromising, as may be observed in instances where children overcontrol and overconstrict themselves to the point of self-obligation; where they develop an over-obedience more literal than the one the parent has wished to exact; or where they develop deep regressions and lasting resentments because the parents themselves do not seem to live up to the new conscience. One of the deepest conflicts in life is the hate for a parent who served as the model and the executor of the superego, but who (in some form) was found trying to get away with the very transgressions which the child can no longer tolerate in himself. The suspiciousness and evasiveness which is thus mixed in with the all-or-nothing quality of the superego, this organ of moral tradition, makes moral (in the sense of moralistic) man a great potential danger to his own ego—and to that of his fellow men.
当然,所谓 parental set 一开始本身就是 infantile in nature(在本质上仍是幼儿式的)。人类的良心在一生中始终部分保留着幼稚性,这一点,正是“人类悲剧”的核心所在。因为孩子的超我可能是原始的、残酷的、不妥协的,这一点可以从许多情形中观察到:例如,孩子过度控制和束缚自己,直到把自己逼入一种苛刻的自我义务状态;又比如,他们发展出一种“过度服从”,其字面意义远比父母本来希望要求的还要极端;再比如,当父母自己似乎并没有活出这套新形成的良心时,孩子会产生深度的退行和持久的怨恨。人生中最深刻的冲突之一,就是对父母的憎恨——这个父母曾经是超我的榜样和执行者,却被发现(以某种形式)正试图在那些孩子自己已无法容忍的越轨行为上“逃避责任”。由此掺入超我这一“道德传统器官”中的那种 suspiciousness(猜忌)与 evasiveness(躲闪),再叠加其“不是全有就是全无”的特性,使得所谓 “moral man”(在“说教式道德”的意义上)成为对自己自我、以及对他人自我的巨大潜在威胁。

In adult pathology, the residual conflict over initiative is expressed either in hysterical denial, which causes the repression of the wish or the abrogation of its executive organ by paralysis, inhibition, or impotence; or in overcompensatory showing off, in which the scared individual, so eager to “duck,” instead “sticks his neck out.” Then also a plunge into psychosomatic disease is now common. It is as if the culture had made a man over-advertise himself and so identify with his own advertisement that only disease can offer him escape.
在成人的病理状态中,围绕 initiative(主动性)所遗留下来的冲突,通常有两种表现方式:一种是歇斯底里的否认,通过瘫痪、抑制或无能(impotence)来压抑愿望,或者直接废除其执行器官;另一种则是过度补偿式的“炫耀”,在这种状态下,这个本来一心想要“躲开(duck)”的人,反而“把自己的脖子探出去”(sticks his neck out)。此外,如今一头栽入身心疾病(psychosomatic disease)的现象也变得十分常见。仿佛整个文化驱使人们不断地“过度宣传自己”,并且让他们高度认同于自己的这套“广告形象”,以至于只有疾病才能为他们提供一条逃脱之路。

But here, again, we must not think only of individual psychopathology, but of the inner powerhouse of rage which must be submerged at this stage, as some of the fondest hopes and the wildest phantasies are repressed and inhibited. The resulting self-righteousness—often the principal reward for goodness—can later be most intolerantly turned against others in the form of persistent moralistic surveillance, so that the prohibition rather than the guidance of initiative becomes the dominant endeavor. On the other hand, even moral man’s initiative is apt to burst the boundaries of self-restriction, permitting him to do to others, in his or in other lands, what he would neither do nor tolerate being done in his own home.
但在这里,我们再次不能只想到个体层面的 psychopathology(精神病理),还必须想到在这一阶段被压入水下的“愤怒内核”:由于一些最深的期望和最疯狂的幻想被压抑和禁止,这种怒火不得不被封存起来。由此产生的 self-righteousness(自以为是)——而这往往是“做好人”所得到的主要回报——在日后很容易以一种最不能容忍的方式转向他人,表现为持续不断的“道德监督”,以至于“禁止”而不是“引导”他人主动,变成了首要的努力方向。另一方面,即便是所谓的“moral man”(有道德的人),其主动性也往往会冲破自我约束的边界,使得他在本国或他国,对他人做出一些事情,而这些事他既不会对自己做,也不能容忍别人对他自己做。

In view of the dangerous potentials of man’s long childhood, it is well to look back at the blueprint of the life-stages and to the possibilities of guiding the young of the race while they are young. And here we note that according to the wisdom of the ground plan the child is at no time more ready to learn quickly and avidly, to become bigger in the sense of sharing obligation and performance than during this period of his development. He is eager and able to make things cooperatively, to combine with other children for the purpose of constructing and planning, and he is willing to profit from teachers and to emulate ideal prototypes. He remains, of course, identified with the parent of the same sex, but for the present he looks for opportunities where work-identification seems to promise a field of initiative without too much infantile conflict or oedipal guilt and a more realistic identification based on a spirit of equality experienced in doing things together. At any rate, the “oedipal” stage results not only in the oppressive establishment of a moral sense restricting the horizon of the permissible; it also sets the direction toward the possible and the tangible which permits the dreams of early childhood to be attached to the goals of an active adult life. Social institutions, therefore, offer children of this age an economic ethos, in the form of ideal adults recognizable by their uniforms and their functions, and fascinating enough to replace, the heroes of picture book and fairy tale.
鉴于人类那漫长童年的危险潜能,我们有必要回过头去,重新审视这一整套 life-stages(生命阶段)的蓝图,并思考:在人类的“年轻一代”尚且年幼时,有哪些可能的方式可以对他们加以引导。在这里,我们会注意到:根据这一“总体设计”的智慧,在整个发展历程中,没有任何一个时期比这一阶段更适合孩子“快速而贪婪地学习”,更适合他在“分担义务与承担工作”的意义上变得“更大”。在这个时期,他既渴望又能够与他人合作做事,能和别的孩子联合起来,为了“建造与规划”的目的而共同行动;他也愿意从老师那里获益,愿意模仿那些理想化的榜样。当然,他依然是和同性别的父母保持认同,但在目前这个阶段,他会寻找那种“work-identification”(工作认同)的机会——在那里,他似乎可以拥有一个主动性的空间,而不会卷入过多的幼儿冲突或 oedipal guilt(俄狄浦斯式的罪疚),也能在“一起做事”所带来的平等感基础上,获得一种更为现实的认同。不管怎样,“oedipal” 阶段的结果并不仅仅是:压抑性地建立起一种道德感,以限制“允许范围”的地平线;它同时也指明了一条指向“可能的、具体的事物”的道路,使得早期童年的梦想能够被接续到成年时期积极人生目标之上。因此,在这个年龄段,社会制度会向孩子们呈现一种 economic ethos(经济伦理氛围):以“理想成年人”的形象出现,他们可以借着制服和职能被识别出来,同时也足够具有吸引力,足以取代图画书和童话里的英雄形象。

4. INDUSTRY VS. INFERIORITY

勤奋 vs. 自卑

Thus the inner stage seems all set for “entrance into life,” except that life must first be school life, whether school is field or jungle or classroom. The child must forget past hopes and wishes, while his exuberant imagination is tamed and harnessed to the laws of impersonal things—even the three R’s. For before the child, psychologically already a rudimentary parent, can become a biological parent, he must begin to be a worker and potential provider. With the oncoming latency period, the normally advanced child forgets, or rather sublimates, the necessity to “make” people by direct attack or to become papa and mama in a hurry: he now learns to win recognition by producing things. He has mastered the ambulatory field and the organ modes. He has experienced a sense of finality regarding the fact that there is no workable future within the womb of his family, and thus becomes ready to apply himself to given skills and tasks, which go far beyond the mere playful expression of his organ modes or the pleasure in the function of his limbs. He develops a sense of industry—i.e., he adjusts himself to the inorganic laws of the tool world. He can become an eager and absorbed unit of a productive situation. To bring a productive situation to completion is an aim which gradually supersedes the whims and wishes of play. His ego boundaries include his tools and skills: the work principle (Ives Hendrick) teaches him the pleasure of work completion by steady attention and persevering diligence. In all cultures, at this stage, children receive some systematic instruction, although, as we saw in the chapter on American Indians, it is by no means always in the kind of school which literate people must organize around special teachers who have learned how to teach literacy. In preliterate people and in non-literate pursuits much is learned from adults who become teachers by dint of gift and inclination rather than by appointment, and perhaps the greatest amount is learned from older children. Thus the fundamentals of technology are developed, as the child becomes ready to handle the utensils, the tools, and the weapons used by the big people. Literate people, with more specialized careers, must prepare the child by teaching him things which first of all make him literate, the widest possible basic education for the greatest number of possible careers. The more confusing specialization becomes, however, the more indistinct are the eventual goals of initiative; and the more complicated social reality, the vaguer are the father’s and mother’s role in it. School seems to be a culture all by itself, with its own goals and limits, its achievements and disappointment.
于是,孩子的内在舞台似乎已经为“进入人生”做好了充分的准备,只不过,这里的“人生”首先必须是“学校生活”——无论学校是在田间、在丛林,还是在教室。孩子必须“忘记”过去的希望与愿望,而他那过于旺盛的想象力,也必须被驯服,并被驾驭在非人格化事物的法则之下——甚至包括最基础的 three R’s(读、写、算)。因为,在这个孩子在心理上已经是一个“雏形父母”之前,若要真正成为一个生物学意义上的父母,他必须先成为一名 worker 和 potential provider(潜在的供养者)。随着潜伏期(latency period)的到来,一个发展正常而超前的孩子会“遗忘”——或者更准确地说,是升华——那种通过直接攻击去“制造人”、或者急不可待地想要当爸爸或妈妈的冲动:他现在学会的是:通过“生产东西”来赢得认可。他已经掌握了行走的空间和器官模式;他已经体验到这样一种“终局感”:在“家庭子宫”的包裹之中,不再有可行的未来,于是他便准备好将自己投入到具体的技能与任务中,而这些技能与任务远远超出了仅仅把器官模式当作游戏表达的层次,或仅仅从四肢活动中获得快感的层次。他开始发展出一种 industry(勤奋、产业感):也就是说,他开始让自己适应工具世界那一整套“无机法则”。他能够成为生产情境中一个热切而专注的单元。让一项生产性情境“完成”本身,便成为一个目标,并逐渐取代游戏中那些随心所欲的意愿和兴之所至的念头。他的自我边界开始把工具与技能也包含进去:work principle(工作原则,Ives Hendrick 所说)教会他,在持续专注与坚持不懈的勤勉中,体会到“完成工作”本身的乐趣。在所有文化中,处于这一阶段的儿童都会接受某种系统的教导,尽管正如我们在关于 American Indians 的章节中看到的那样,这种教导并不总是发生在那种由“识字的人”围绕“学会如何教识字”的专门教师所组织起来的学校里。在前识字社会和非文字型劳动中,孩子们从成年人那里学到许多东西——这些成年人之所以成为“老师”,更多是出于天赋与兴趣,而不是出于任命;而或许,孩子真正学到的最大一部分内容,来自那些比自己年长的儿童。就这样,当孩子准备好去掌握“成年人”所使用的器皿、工具与武器时,技术的基本要素就得以发展。至于识字社会,由于职业分工更为专门化,就必须通过教给孩子那些首先让他“识字”的东西来进行准备——也就是为尽可能多的潜在职业,提供尽可能广泛的基础教育。然而,专业化越是令人困惑,主动性最终的目标就越显得模糊不清;社会现实越是复杂,父亲与母亲在其中所扮演的角色也就越发暧昧难辨。学校似乎成了一种独立的文化,有着自己一套目标与界限,有自己的成就,也有自己的失望。

The child’s danger, at this stage, lies in a sense of inadequacy and inferiority. If he despairs of his tools and skills or of his status among his tool partners, he may be discouraged from identification with them and with a section of the tool world. To lose the hope of such “industrial” association may pull him back to the more isolated, less tool-conscious familial rivalry of the oedipal time. The child despairs of his equipment in the tool world and in anatomy, and considers himself doomed to mediocrity or inadequacy. It is at this point that wider society becomes significant in its ways of admitting the child to an understanding of meaningful roles in its technology and economy. Many a child’s development is disrupted when family life has failed to prepare him for school life, or when school life fails to sustain the promises of earlier stages.
Regarding the period of a developing sense of industry, I have referred to outer and inner hindrances in the use of new capacities but not to aggravations of new human drives, nor to submerged rages resulting from their frustration. This stage differs from the earlier ones in that it is not a swing from an inner upheaval to a new mastery. Freud calls it the latency stage because violent drives are normally dormant. But it is only a lull before the storm of puberty, when all the earlier drives re-emerge in a new combination, to be brought under the dominance of genitality.
On the other hand, this is socially a most decisive stage: since industry involves doing things beside and with others, a first sense of division of labor and of differential opportunity, that is, a sense of the technological ethos of a culture, develops at this time. We have pointed in the last section to the danger threatening individual and society where the schoolchild begins to feel that the color of his skin, the background of his parents, or the fashion of his clothes rather than his wish and his will to learn will decide his worth as an apprentice, and thus his sense of identity—to which we must now turn. But there is another, more fundamental danger, namely man’s restriction of himself
and constriction of his horizons to include only his work to which, so the Book says, he has been sentenced after his expulsion from paradise. If he accepts work as his only obligation, and “what works” as his only criterion of worthwhileness, he may become the conformist and thoughtless slave of his technology and of those who are in a position to exploit it.




    热门主题

      • Recent Articles

      • 1950 Erik Erikson.Eight Ages of Man

        Childhood AND Society 童年与社会 without a promise of fulfillment which from the dominant image of adulthood reaches down into the baby’s beginnings and which, by the tangible evidence of social health, creates at every step of childhood and adolescence ...
      • 2025-11-12 但斌.时间深处的回响:致巴老与价值投资的永恒之光

        Refer To:《时间深处的回响:致巴老与价值投资的永恒之光》。 奥马哈的水土滋养了一份穿越时空的投资智慧,如今虽渐行渐远,却在每一个价值追寻者心中种下了永不熄灭的火种。 ——题记 展读巴老那封饱含深情的谢幕信,九十五岁高龄的他宣布将不再撰写伯克希尔年度报告,内心不禁泛起层层涟漪。而这些年在投资路上的求索,让我深刻懂得,每一次告别或许都预示着新的开始。信中的他依然睿智、幽默而充满温情,宛若一位相识多年的师长在炉火旁与你促膝长谈,娓娓道出奥马哈的点点滴滴,却在平实言语间,道破了投资与人生的真谛。 ...
      • 2011-10-11 Steve Yegge.Google Platforms Rant

        Refer To:《Stevey's Google Platforms Rant》。 I was at Amazon for about six and a half years, and now I've been at Google for that long. One thing that struck me immediately about the two companies -- an impression that has been reinforced almost daily ...
      • 2025-11-26 Ilya Sutskever.We're moving from the age of scaling to the age of research

        Refer To:《Ilya Sutskever – We're moving from the age of scaling to the age of research》。 Transcript 00:00:00 – Explaining model jaggedness 00:00:00 – 讲解模型的“锯齿感” Ilya Sutskever 00:00:00 You know what’s crazy? That all of this is real. ...
      • 2025-11-24 ChatGPT.Reward+Compression

        问: Reward负责方向,Compression负责具体的执行工作,对人来说,Reward的方向就两种,一种基于恐惧,一种基于有安全感,在恐惧的方向上,Compression出来的东西都是胡言乱语的东西,因为这个方向根本上就没有可以收敛的地方,就像田渊栋说的首先这些信息是可以泛化的;在有安全感的方向上Compression的机制才能正常发挥。 ChatGPT: 对,你这次这段把结构说得很干净了,其实已经可以当你自己的“最终版定义”用了: reward 负责方向,compression ...