I.H.RB.116.Commodity-like products

I.H.RB.116.Commodity-like products

销售“近似大宗商品”产品的公司股票,应该贴上一张警示标签——“竞争可能对人类财富有害“。
The domestic textile industry operates in a commodity business, competing in a world market in which substantial excess capacity exists. Much of the trouble we experienced was attributable, both directly and indirectly, to competition from foreign countries whose workers are paid a small fraction of the U.S. minimum wage. But that in no way means that our labor force deserves any blame for our closing. In fact, in comparison with employees of American industry generally, our workers were poorly paid, as has been the case throughout the textile business. In contract negotiations, union leaders and members were sensitive to our disadvantageous cost position and did not push for unrealistic wage increases or unproductive work practices. To the contrary, they tried just as hard as we did to keep us competitive. Even during our liquidation period they performed superbly. (Ironically, we would have been better off financially if our union had behaved unreasonably some years ago; we then would have recognized the impossible future that we faced, promptly closed down, and avoided significant future losses.)
美国国内纺织业所处的是一种商品化生意(commodity business),它在一个存在大量过剩产能的全球市场中竞争。我们所经历的许多麻烦,不论直接还是间接,都要归因于来自外国的竞争——那些国家的工人工资只相当于美国最低工资的一小部分。但这绝不意味着我们的员工该为公司的关闭承担任何责任。事实上,与美国工业界整体的员工相比,我们的工人薪酬偏低,而这也一直是整个纺织行业的常态。在合同谈判中,工会领导人与成员充分理解我们在成本上的不利处境,并没有推动不现实的加薪要求或低效率的工作规则。恰恰相反,他们和我们一样努力地想让公司保持竞争力。即便在清算期间,他们的表现也极为出色。(具有讽刺意味的是,如果几年前我们的工会表现得更不讲道理一些,我们在财务上反而会过得更好;那样我们就会更早意识到自己所面对的是一个不可能的未来,及时关厂,并避免后来那些重大的亏损。)

Over the years, we had the option of making large capital expenditures in the textile operation that would have allowed us to somewhat reduce variable costs. Each proposal to do so looked like an immediate winner. Measured by standard return-on-investment tests, in fact, these proposals usually promised greater economic benefits than would have resulted from comparable expenditures in our highly-profitable candy and newspaper businesses.
多年来,我们本可以在纺织业务上进行大规模资本支出,从而在一定程度上降低可变成本。每一项此类提案看起来都是立竿见影的赢家。事实上,以标准的投资回报测试来衡量,这些提案所承诺的经济效益,通常还高于将同等资金投入我们盈利丰厚的糖果和报纸业务所能带来的回报。

But the promised benefits from these textile investments were illusory. Many of our competitors, both domestic and foreign, were stepping up to the same kind of expenditures and, once enough companies did so, their reduced costs became the baseline for reduced prices industrywide. Viewed individually, each company's capital investment decision appeared cost-effective and rational; viewed collectively, the decisions neutralized each other and were irrational (just as happens when each person watching a parade decides he can see a little better if he stands on tiptoes). After each round of investment, all the players had more money in the game and returns remained anemic.
但这些纺织业投资所承诺的收益不过是幻象。我们的许多竞争对手——无论国内还是国外——都在跟进同类支出,一旦足够多的企业这样做,它们降低的成本便成为全行业压低价格的新基准。单独来看,每家公司的资本投资决策似乎都合乎成本效益、合乎逻辑;但整体来看,这些决策彼此抵消,结果反而是非理性的(就像游行队伍旁的每个观众都觉得踮起脚尖能看得更清楚一样)。每经历一轮投资,所有参与者押注的资金都更多了,而回报依然惨淡。

Thus, we faced a miserable choice: huge capital investment would have helped to keep our textile business alive, but would have left us with terrible returns on ever-growing amounts of capital. After the investment, moreover, the foreign competition would still have retained a major, continuing advantage in labor costs. A refusal to invest, however, would make us increasingly non-competitive, even measured against domestic textile manufacturers. I always thought myself in the position described by Woody Allen in one of his movies: "More than any other time in history, mankind faces a crossroads. One path leads to despair and utter hopelessness, the other to total extinction. Let us pray we have the wisdom to choose correctly."
于是,我们面临着一个两难的痛苦抉择:大规模资本投入或许能勉强维系纺织业务的存活,却只会让我们在持续膨胀的资本上获得糟糕的回报。而且,即便投入之后,外国竞争对手在劳动力成本上的巨大优势依然长期存在。然而,若拒绝投资,我们将愈发失去竞争力,即便与国内纺织商相比亦然。我总觉得自己像是身处 Woody Allen 某部电影中描述的处境:"在历史上任何其他时期,人类都未曾像今天这样面临一个十字路口。一条路通向绝望与彻底的无望,另一条路通向彻底的毁灭。让我们祈祷自己有足够的智慧做出正确的选择。"

For an understanding of how the to-invest-or-not-to-invest dilemma plays out in a commodity business, it is instructive to look at Burlington Industries, by far the largest U.S. textile company both 21 years ago and now. In 1964 Burlington had sales of $1.2 billion against our $50 million. It had strengths in both distribution and production that we could never hope to match and also, of course, had an earnings record far superior to ours. Its stock sold at 60 at the end of 1964; ours was 13.
要理解"投还是不投"的两难困境在大宗商品行业中如何演绎,Burlington Industries 是一个极具启发性的案例——它在21年前是美国最大的纺织企业,如今依然如此。1964年,Burlington 的销售额高达12亿美元,而我们仅有5000万美元。它在销售渠道和生产能力上的优势,都是我们望尘莫及的,其盈利记录自然也远胜于我们。1964年底,它的股价为60美元,而我们的股价只有13美元。

Burlington made a decision to stick to the textile business, and in 1985 had sales of about $2.8 billion. During the 1964-85 period, the company made capital expenditures of about $3 billion, far more than any other U.S. textile company and more than $200-per-share on that $60 stock. A very large part of the expenditures, I am sure, was devoted to cost improvement and expansion. Given Burlington's basic commitment to stay in textiles, I would also surmise that the company's capital decisions were quite rational.
Burlington 决定坚守纺织业,到1985年销售额约达28亿美元。在1964至1985年间,该公司的资本支出约为30亿美元,远超美国其他任何纺织企业,折合到那只60美元的股票上,每股超过200美元。我相信,这些支出中有很大一部分用于降低成本和扩大产能。鉴于 Burlington 坚持留在纺织业的基本承诺,我也推断该公司的资本决策在当时是相当理性的。

Nevertheless, Burlington has lost sales volume in real dollars and has far lower returns on sales and equity now than 20 years ago. Split 2-for-1 in 1965, the stock now sells at 34—on an adjusted basis, just a little over its $60 price in 1964. Meanwhile, the CPI has more than tripled. Therefore, each share commands about one-third the purchasing power it did at the end of 1964. Regular dividends have been paid but they, too, have shrunk significantly in purchasing power.
然而,Burlington 的实际销售额已经萎缩,如今的销售回报率和股本回报率也远低于20年前的水平。1965年经过一拆二的股票分割后,其股价目前为34美元——经调整后,仅略高于1964年的60美元原始价格。与此同时,CPI已上涨逾两倍。因此,每股所代表的购买力,仅约为1964年底的三分之一。公司虽持续派发股息,但这些股息的实际购买力也已大幅缩水。

This devastating outcome for the shareholders indicates what can happen when much brain power and energy are applied to a faulty premise. The situation is suggestive of Samuel Johnson's horse: "A horse that can count to ten is a remarkable horse—not a remarkable mathematician." Likewise, a textile company that allocates capital brilliantly within its industry is a remarkable textile company—but not a remarkable business.
这一对股东而言堪称毁灭性的结果,揭示了当大量智慧与精力被施加于一个错误前提之上时,会导致怎样的后果。这让我想起 Samuel Johnson 关于马的比喻:"一匹能数到十的马,是一匹了不起的马——但不是一位了不起的数学家。"同理,一家在行业内资本配置极为出色的纺织企业,是一家了不起的纺织公司——但不是一门了不起的生意。

My conclusion from my own experiences and from much observation of other businesses is that a good managerial record (measured by economic returns) is far more a function of what business boat you get into than it is of how effectively you row (though intelligence and effort help considerably, of course, in any business, good or bad). Some years ago I wrote: "When a management with a reputation for brilliance tackles a business with a reputation for poor fundamental economics, it is the reputation of the business that remains intact." Nothing has since changed my point of view on that matter. Should you find yourself in a chronically-leaking boat, energy devoted to changing vessels is likely to be more productive than energy devoted to patching leaks.
我从自身经历以及对众多企业的长期观察中得出结论:一位管理者的经营业绩(以经济回报衡量),在更大程度上取决于你选择进入哪条船,而非你划桨的技术有多高超(当然,在任何生意中,无论好坏,智慧与努力都大有裨益)。多年前我曾写道:"当一支以才华著称的管理团队,遭遇一门以糟糕基本经济特征著称的生意,最终得以保全声誉的,往往是那门生意。"此后,没有任何事情改变过我对此的看法。如果你发现自己置身于一艘长期漏水的船,那么把精力用于换船,很可能比用于补漏更有成效。
Moreover, both Coke and Gillette have actually increased their worldwide shares of market in recent years. The might of their brand names, the attributes of their products, and the strength of their distribution systems give them an enormous competitive advantage, setting up a protective moat around their economic castles. The average company, in contrast, does battle daily without any such means of protection. As Peter Lynch says, stocks of companies selling commodity-like products should come with a warning label: “Competition may prove hazardous to human wealth.”
此外,Coke 与 Gillette 近些年实际上还提高了它们在全球市场的份额。它们品牌名称的威力、产品属性,以及分销体系的强大,使它们拥有巨大的竞争优势——在其经济城堡周围挖出了一条保护性的护城河。相比之下,普通公司每天都在没有任何这种防护手段的情况下作战。正如 Peter Lynch 所说:销售“近似大宗商品”产品的公司股票,应该贴上一张警示标签——“竞争可能对人类财富有害(Competition may prove hazardous to human wealth)。”
Unconventional Commitments
非常规投入

When we can't find our favorite commitment -- a well-run and sensibly-priced business with fine economics -- we usually opt to put new money into very short-term instruments of the highest quality. Sometimes, however, we venture elsewhere. Obviously we believe that the alternative commitments we make are more likely to result in profit than loss. But we also realize that they do not offer the certainty of profit that exists in a wonderful business secured at an attractive price. Finding that kind of opportunity, we know that we are going to make money -- the only question being when. With alternative investments, we think that we are going to make money. But we also recognize that we will sometimes realize losses, occasionally of substantial size.
当我们找不到最心仪的配置对象——一家经营良好、定价合理且具备优异经济属性的企业——我们通常会把新增资金放在最高质量的超短期工具上。不过有时,我们也会尝试其他方向。显然,我们相信这些“替代性投入”更有可能盈利而非亏损。但我们同样明白,它们无法像以吸引人价格买到的优秀企业那样,提供几乎确定的收益。遇到那类机会,我们知道一定会赚钱——只是时间问题。做替代性投资时,我们“认为”会赚钱,但也清楚有时会遭受亏损,且偶尔幅度还不小。
   
We had three non-traditional positions at yearend. The first was derivative contracts for 14.0 million barrels of oil, that being what was then left of a 45.7 million barrel position we established in 1994-95. Contracts for 31.7 million barrels were settled in 1995-97, and these supplied us with a pre-tax gain of about $61.9 million. Our remaining contracts expire during 1998 and 1999. In these, we had an unrealized gain of $11.6 million at yearend. Accounting rules require that commodity positions be carried at market value. Therefore, both our annual and quarterly financial statements reflect any unrealized gain or loss in these contracts. When we established our contracts, oil for future delivery seemed modestly underpriced. Today, though, we have no opinion as to its attractiveness.
年末我们持有三项非传统头寸。第一项是 14.0 million barrels 的原油衍生品合约,这是我们在 1994–95 年建立的 45.7 million barrels 头寸的剩余部分。1995–97 年间我们结清了 31.7 million barrels 的合约,获得了约 $61.9 million 的税前收益。剩余合约将于 1998 与 1999 年到期。到年末,这部分未实现收益为 $11.6 million。会计准则要求大宗商品头寸按市价计量,因此我们的年度与季度报表都会反映这些合约的未实现盈亏。我们建立头寸时,远期交割的原油看起来略有低估。至于今天是否具有吸引力,我们并无观点。
   
Our second non-traditional commitment is in silver. Last year, we purchased 111.2 million ounces. Marked to market, that position produced a pre-tax gain of $97.4 million for us in 1997. In a way, this is a return to the past for me: Thirty years ago, I bought silver because I anticipated its demonetization by the U.S. Government. Ever since, I have followed the metal's fundamentals but not owned it. In recent years, bullion inventories have fallen materially, and last summer Charlie and I concluded that a higher price would be needed to establish equilibrium between supply and demand. Inflation expectations, it should be noted, play no part in our calculation of silver's value.
第二项非常规投入是白银。去年我们买入了 111.2 million ounces。按市价计量,该头寸在 1997 年为我们带来 $97.4 million 的税前收益。某种意义上,这对我来说是回到过去:三十年前,我因为预期 U.S. Government 将使白银去货币化而买入过白银。此后我一直关注这种金属的基本面,但并未持有。在近几年,金银库存明显下降,去年夏天我与 Charlie 判断,供需达到均衡需要更高的价格。需要说明的是,通胀预期并未纳入我们对白银价值的计算。
   
Finally, our largest non-traditional position at yearend was $4.6 billion, at amortized cost, of long-term zero-coupon obligations of the U.S. Treasury. These securities pay no interest. Instead, they provide their holders a return by way of the discount at which they are purchased, a characteristic that makes their market prices move rapidly when interest rates change. If rates rise, you lose heavily with zeros, and if rates fall, you make outsized gains. Since rates fell in 1997, we ended the year with an unrealized pre-tax gain of $598.8 million in our zeros. Because we carry the securities at market value, that gain is reflected in yearend book value.
最后一项、也是年末规模最大的非传统头寸,是按摊余成本计 $4.6 billion 的 U.S. Treasury 长期零息债券。这类证券不支付利息,而是通过买入折价为持有人带来回报;这一特性也使其在利率变动时价格波动极快。利率上行,持有零息债会遭受重挫;利率下行,则可能获得超额收益。由于 1997 年利率下行,我们所持零息债录得 $598.8 million 的未实现税前收益。由于这些证券按市价列账,该收益已反映在年末的账面价值中。

In purchasing zeros, rather than staying with cash-equivalents, we risk looking very foolish: A macro-based commitment such as this never has anything close to a 100% probability of being successful. However, you pay Charlie and me to use our best judgment -- not to avoid embarrassment -- and we will occasionally make an unconventional move when we believe the odds favor it. Try to think kindly of us when we blow one. Along with President Clinton, we will be feeling your pain: The Munger family has more than 90% of its net worth in Berkshire and the Buffetts more than 99%.
选择买入零息债而非停留在类现金资产上,我们冒着“看起来很愚蠢”的风险:这种基于宏观判断的投入,成功概率绝不可能接近 100%。不过,你们付钱给我和 Charlie,是让我们尽最大判断之责——而不是为了避免难堪——因此当我们认为胜率在我们这边时,偶尔会做出非常规之举。若我们失手了,请尽量宽容一些。我们会与你们一道“感同身受”,就像 President Clinton 所说那样:Munger 家族超过 90% 的净资产在 Berkshire,而 Buffett 家族超过 99% 在 Berkshire。

3、《1998-05-04 Berkshire Hathaway Annual Meeting》

48. Why Buffett bought silver
巴菲特为何购买白银

WARREN BUFFETT: We’d better go to zone 4, I think. (Applause)
沃伦·巴菲特: 我们还是到第4区吧。(掌声)

AUDIENCE MEMBER: Good morning, or afternoon, actually. My name’s Matt Schwab. I’m from New York. Pound Ridge, New York.
观众提问者: 早上好,或者说下午好。我叫马特·施瓦布,来自纽约庞德里奇。

I actually had a question about the silver purchase last year. When you announced it, you said that you believed that supply and demand fundamentals would only be established at a higher price — re-established at a higher price.
我想问一下去年购买白银的事情。当时您宣布这一消息时说,您认为供需基本面只能在更高的价格上重新建立平衡。

I was just wondering if you could go into more detail about what some of those fundamentals are. I mean, we’ve read a lot about, like, battery technology and some other things.
我想知道,您能否详细说明这些基本面是什么?我们看到过一些关于电池技术等方面的报道。

WARREN BUFFETT: Yeah, we have no inside information about great new uses for silver or anything of the sort. But the situation — and you can get these figures and they’re not precise, but I think they’re in general — they’re generally accurate.
沃伦·巴菲特: 是的,我们并没有关于白银的新用途或类似信息的内幕消息。但情况是这样的——你可以查到这些数字,尽管它们并不精确,但总体来说应该是大致准确的。

You can see from looking at the numbers that aggregate demand, primarily from photography, from industrial uses, and from ornamental jewelry-type uses, is close. Call it 800 million-plus ounces a year.
从数据中可以看出,总需求主要来自摄影、工业用途以及装饰性珠宝用途,总量接近每年超过8亿盎司。

And there are 500 million or so ounces being produced of silver, annually, although there will be more coming on in the next couple of years. There’s more coming on right now.
每年大约有5亿盎司的白银被开采出来,尽管在接下来的几年里产量会有所增加。目前的确有更多白银产出。

However, most of that silver is produced as a byproduct in the mining of gold or copper and lead zinc, so that since it’s a byproduct, it’s not responsive to — not very responsive to price changes, because obviously, if you’ve got a copper mine and you get a little silver out of it, you’re much more interested in the price of copper than silver.
然而,大部分白银是金矿、铜矿或铅锌矿开采中的副产品,因此作为副产品,它对价格变化的反应并不大。显然,如果你经营一个铜矿,并从中获得少量白银,你更关心的是铜价而不是银价。

So you have 500 million ounces or so of mine production, and you have 150 million ounces or so of reclaimed silver, a large part of which relates to the uses in photography.
因此,你有约5亿盎司的矿产白银,还有约1.5亿盎司的回收白银,其中很大一部分来自摄影用途。

So there’s been a gap in recent years of perhaps 150 million ounces — but none of these figures are precise — which has been filled by an inventory of bullion above ground, which may have been a billion-two, or more, ounces a few years back, but which has been depleted.
最近几年,存在约1.5亿盎司的缺口——虽然这些数字并不精确——这个缺口是通过消耗地面上的白银库存来填补的。几年前库存可能有12亿盎司或更多,但现在已经被大量消耗。

And no one knows the exact figures on this, but there’s no question that the bullion inventory has been depleted significantly.
虽然没有人确切知道这些数字,但毫无疑问白银库存已经显著减少。

Which means that the present price for silver does not produce an equilibrium between supply, as measured by newly-mined silver plus reclaimed silver, and usage.
这意味着,当前的白银价格不足以使新开采和回收的白银与需求之间达到平衡。

And that — eventually something will happen to change that picture. Now, it could be reduced usage, it could be increased supply, or it could be a change in price.
最终,会有一些事情发生以改变这种局面。这可能是需求减少、供应增加,或者价格变化。

And that imbalance is sufficiently large, even though there is some new production coming on, and there’s the threat of digital imaging that will reduce silver usage, perhaps, in the future in photography.
这种不平衡已经足够大,尽管有一些新的产量正在增加,同时数字成像技术可能会在未来减少摄影领域对白银的需求。

But we think that that gap is wide enough so that it will continue to deplete inventories — bullion inventories — to the point where a new price is needed to establish equilibrium.
但我们认为,这种缺口足够大,以至于库存——特别是白银库存——会继续减少,直至需要一个新价格来建立供需平衡。

And because of the byproduct nature, which makes the supply inelastic, and because of the nature of demand, which is relatively inelastic, that — we don’t think that that price change would necessarily be minor.
由于白银作为副产品的特性导致供应缺乏弹性,加上需求的相对刚性,我们认为价格的变化可能不会是微小的。

It’s interesting, because silver has been artificially influenced for a long time. You saw that movie about — you know, it was William Jennings Bryan, who was editor of The Omaha World-Herald and a congressman from Nebraska — and his brother was governor of Nebraska — who was the big silver man.
这很有趣,因为白银长期以来受到人为干预。你可能听说过那部电影——威廉·詹宁斯·布莱恩,他曾是《奥马哈世界先驱报》的编辑,也是一位来自内布拉斯加州的国会议员——他的兄弟是内布拉斯加州的州长——他是白银的重要支持者。

And they used to talk 16-to-1. The 16-to-1 ratio, I think, goes back to Isaac Newton, when he was master of the mint. Charlie will know all about that, because he’s our Newtonian expert here. But that ratio had kind of a mystical significance for a while. Didn’t really mean anything.
他们过去常谈到16比1的比例。这个16比1的比例,我认为可以追溯到艾萨克·牛顿担任铸币局局长时。查理对此一定很熟悉,因为他是我们这里的牛顿专家。但这一比例在一段时间内具有某种神秘意义,实际上并没有实际意义。

And in 1934, the government passed an act called The Silver Purchase Act of, surprisingly, 1934, which set an artificially high price for silver at that time, when production and usage was much less.
1934年,美国政府通过了一项名为《1934年白银购买法案》的法律,在那时设定了一个人为的高银价,而当时的白银产量和使用量都少得多。

And the government, U.S. government, ended up accumulating two billion ounces of silver. Now, this was at a time when demand was a couple hundred million ounces a year, so you’re talking ten years’ supply.
美国政府最终积累了20亿盎司的白银。当时的年需求量仅为几亿盎司,所以这相当于10年的供应量。

So there was an artificially high price for a while. By the early 1960s, that became an artificially low price of $1.29, and at that time I could see the inventories of the U.S. government being depleted, somewhat akin to what inventories are being depleted now.
因此,白银价格曾一度被人为地抬高。到了20世纪60年代初,这变成了每盎司1.29美元的人为低价,那时我可以看到美国政府的白银库存正在减少,有点类似于现在库存减少的情景。

And despite the fact that Lyndon Johnson and the administration said they would not demonetize silver, they did demonetize it, and silver went up substantially. That was the last purpose we had of silver, but I’ve kept track of the figures ever since.
尽管林登·约翰逊政府声称不会废除银本位,但他们确实这样做了,白银价格大幅上涨。这是我们对白银最后的关注目的,但自那时起我一直在关注这些数据。

The Hunt brothers caused a great amount of silver to be converted into bullion form, including a lot of silver coins. So they, again, increased the supply in a very big way by their action in pushing the price way up to the point where people started melting it down.
亨特兄弟的行为导致大量白银被转化为银条形式,包括许多银币。他们通过将价格推高到让人们开始熔化银币的程度,再次大幅增加了白银的供应量。

So you had this — dislocations in silver over a 60-plus year period, which has caused the price to be affected by these huge inventory accumulations and reductions.
因此,在过去的60多年里,白银市场经历了这种错位,价格受到库存大量积累和减少的影响。

And we think right now that — or we thought last summer when we started buying it — that the price we bought it, that that was not an equilibrium price, and that sooner or later — and we didn’t think it was imminent, because we don’t wait till things are imminent.
我们认为,现在或者去年夏天当我们开始购买时,我们买入的价格不是一个均衡价格。迟早——我们并不认为会很快发生,因为我们不会等到事情迫在眉睫才行动。

You know, we were going to buy a lot of silver. We didn’t want to buy so much as to really disrupt the market, however. We had no intention of replaying any Hunt scenario. So we wanted to be sure we didn’t buy that much silver. But we liked it.
我们确实计划购买大量白银。然而,我们不想买到破坏市场的程度。我们没有意图重演亨特兄弟的剧本。所以我们确保不会买那么多白银。但我们喜欢它。

Charlie?
查理?

CHARLIE MUNGER: Well, I think this whole episode will have about as much impact on Berkshire Hathaway’s future as Warren’s bridge playing. (Laughter)
查理·芒格: 嗯,我认为这整个事件对白银市场的影响,就像沃伦打桥牌对于伯克希尔哈撒韦未来的影响一样。(笑声)

You’ve got a line of activity where once every 30 or 40 years you can do something employing 2 percent of assets. This is not a big deal for —
你有一项活动,可能每30或40年才能利用2%的资产做一次。这对伯克希尔来说并不是什么大事——

WARREN BUFFETT: No.
沃伦·巴菲特: 确实不是什么大事。

CHARLIE MUNGER: — Berkshire. The fact that it keeps Warren amused and — (Laughter)
查理·芒格: 伯克希尔的确如此。不过,这让沃伦感到有趣——(笑声)

WARREN BUFFETT: Yeah, I do like —
沃伦·巴菲特: 是的,我确实喜欢——

CHARLIE MUNGER: — and not doing counterproductive things — (Laughter)
查理·芒格: ——并且避免做出适得其反的事情——(笑声)

WARREN BUFFETT: It makes me feel good about — it makes me feel better about all those pictures that people take over the weekend. (Laughs)
沃伦·巴菲特: 这让我觉得——让我对人们周末拍的所有照片感觉更好。(笑声)

They all use a little bit of silver. (Laughter)
这些照片都用了一点点银。(笑声)

CHARLIE MUNGER: At least it shows something that teaches an interesting lesson. Think of the discipline it takes to think about something for three or four decades, waiting for a chance to employ — (laughter) — 2 percent of your assets.
查理·芒格: 至少这说明了一件有趣的事情。想想需要怎样的自律,才能思考一个问题三四十年,等待一个机会来动用——(笑声)——2%的资产。

I’m afraid that’s the way we are. (Laughter)
恐怕这就是我们的风格。(笑声)

It means there’ll be some dull stretches.
这意味着会有一些枯燥的时光。

WARREN BUFFETT: Right. Yeah, it’s less than a billion dollars in silver. It’s $15 billion in Coke. You know, it’s a —
沃伦·巴菲特: 是的,白银的投资不到10亿美元,可口可乐是150亿美元。你知道,这——

CHARLIE MUNGER: It’s a non-event.
查理·芒格: 这不算一件大事。

WARREN BUFFETT: It’s 5 billion in American Express. I mean it is close to a non-event, but if you see it there — you know?
沃伦·巴菲特: 在美国运通的投资是50亿美元。我是说,这几乎算不上什么大事,但如果你看到机会在那里——你懂的?

CHARLIE MUNGER: At least it shows the human personality at work. (Laughter)
查理·芒格: 至少这体现了人性的作用。(笑声)

Very peculiar personality, I might add. (Laughter)
顺便说一句,是非常特殊的人性。(笑声)

WARREN BUFFETT: Reinforced by a partner.
沃伦·巴菲特: 并且有一个搭档加强了这种特点。

CHARLIE MUNGER: Yes. (Laughter)
查理·芒格: 是的。(笑声)

4、《2015-05-02 Berkshire Hathaway Annual Meeting》

63. Buffett doesn’t follow silver market anymore
巴菲特不再关注银市。

WARREN BUFFETT: OK. Station 6.
沃伦·巴菲特:好的。第 6 站。

AUDIENCE MEMBER: Mr. Buffett, in this environment of quantitative easing, low interest rates, and an overvalued stock market, what value in silver at these prices do you see, and do you still follow the silver market?
观众成员:巴菲特先生,在这种量化宽松、低利率和股票市场被高估的环境下,您认为在这些价格下白银有什么价值?您还关注白银市场吗?

WARREN BUFFETT: I really don’t follow it much anymore. But at one time, we owned over 100 million ounces of silver, and I knew a fair amount about the supply and demand for it, and the prospective supply and demand.
沃伦·巴菲特:我现在真的不太关注这个了。但在某个时候,我们拥有超过一亿盎司的白银,我对其供需情况以及未来的供需情况了解得相当多。

But I really don’t — I haven’t paid much attention to it for a long, long time.
但我真的没有——我很久很久没有关注它了。

CHARLIE MUNGER: That’s a very good thing too. (Laughter)
查理·芒格:这也是一件非常好的事情。(笑声)

We didn’t do that well.
我们做得不太好。

WARREN BUFFETT: Yeah. We made a little money.
沃伦·巴菲特:是的。我们赚了一点钱。

CHARLIE MUNGER: Yes. 查理·芒格:是的。

WARREN BUFFETT: The — you know, photography — the interesting thing about silver is that there are some pure silver mines, but overwhelmingly, silver is produced as a by-product, you know, in terms of copper mining and that.
沃伦·巴菲特:你知道,摄影——关于白银有趣的是,确实有一些纯银矿,但绝大多数白银是作为副产品生产的,你知道,这主要是在铜矿开采中。

So it — it doesn’t respond as much to its own supply and demand characteristics — that’s still a factor — as it does in terms of the supply and demand characteristics of the things of which it’s a by-product, like copper.
所以它——它对自身的供需特征反应并不那么强烈——这仍然是一个因素——而是更依赖于作为副产品的那些东西的供需特征,比如铜。

So, it’s a very small market, too. But we came out better than the Hunt brothers, but other than that, we don’t think about silver anymore.
所以,这也是一个非常小的市场。但我们比亨特兄弟的情况要好,不过除此之外,我们不再考虑银了。

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